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2014

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Estudos ambientais revelaram que o ferro é um dos metais - FGV 2015

Química - 2014

Estudos ambientais revelaram que o ferro é um dos metais presentes em maior quantidade na atmosfera, apresentando-se na forma do íon de ferro 3+ hidratado, [Fe(H2O)6]3+. O íon de ferro na atmosfera se hidrolisa de acordo com a equação

[Fe(H2 O)6 ] 3+ ↔ [Fe(H2 O)5 OH]2+ + H+

O Brasil inaugurou em 2014 o Projeto Sirius, um acelerador - FGV 2015

Química - 2014

O Brasil inaugurou em 2014 o Projeto Sirius, um acelerador de partículas que permitirá o desenvolvimento de pesquisa na área de materiais, física, química e biologia. Seu funcionamento se dará pelo fornecimento de energia a feixes de partículas subatômicas eletricamente carregadas: prótons e elétrons.

(http://www.brasil.gov.br/ciencia-e-tecnologia/2014/02/. Adaptado)

Na tabela, são apresentadas informações das quantidades de algumas partículas subatômicas para os íons X2– e A2+:

Questão 107 - FGV 2015 loading=

Um edifício comercial tem 48 salas, distribuídas em 8 - FGV 2015

Matemática - 2014

Um edifício comercial tem 48 salas, distribuídas em 8 andares, conforme indica a figura. O edifício foi feito em um terreno cuja inclinação em relação à horizontal mede α graus. A altura de cada sala é 3 m, a extensão 10 m, e a altura da pilastra de sustentação, que mantém o edifício na horizontal, é 6 m.

Questão 22 - FGV 2015

A figura representa um trapézio isósceles ABCD, com AD = BC - FGV 2015

Matemática - 2014

A figura representa um trapézio isósceles ABCD, com AD = BC = 4 cm. M é o ponto médio de Questão 14 - FGV 2015e o ângulo BMC é reto.

Questão 14 - FGV 2015

Três números estão em progressão geométrica de razão - FGV 2014

Matemática - 2014

Três números estão em progressão geométrica de razão 3/2 Diminuindo 5 unidades do terceiro número da progressão, ela se transforma em uma progressão aritmética.

Dos animais de uma fazenda, 40% são bois, 30% vacas, e os - FGV 2015

Matemática - 2014

Dos animais de uma fazenda, 40% são bois, 30% vacas, e os demais são caprinos. Se o dono da fazenda vende 30% dos bois e 70% das vacas,

No período – ... até que alguém perceba que ele é o - FGV 2014

Língua Portuguesa - 2014

Leia o texto para responder à questão

Com o tempo, o líder ruim se distancia completamente da equipe. A consequência é que ele acaba perdendo a legitimidade. A partir desse momento, o clima de trabalho vai piorar muito. Os resultados da área vão começar a despencar. Se o líder tiver muito destaque na empresa, talvez leve tempo até que alguém perceba que ele é o responsável. Se a coisa está nesse ponto, ficar no emprego é uma aposta arriscada.

(Você S/A, setembro de 2013. Adaptado)

Uma continuidade ao texto, correta quanto à norma-padrão, : - FGV 2014

Língua Portuguesa - 2014

Leia o texto para responder à questão

Com o tempo, o líder ruim se distancia completamente da equipe. A consequência é que ele acaba perdendo a legitimidade. A partir desse momento, o clima de trabalho vai piorar muito. Os resultados da área vão começar a despencar. Se o líder tiver muito destaque na empresa, talvez leve tempo até que alguém perceba que ele é o responsável. Se a coisa está nesse ponto, ficar no emprego é uma aposta arriscada.

(Você S/A, setembro de 2013. Adaptado)

Considere os enunciados. • O acesso ao celular no Brasil é u- FGV 2014

Língua Portuguesa - 2014

Considere os enunciados.

• O acesso ao celular no Brasil é uma fotografia idêntica ____ da renda. Quanto menor a remuneração numa região, mais baixa é a penetração do telefone móvel.

• As trajetórias de Caetano Veloso, Chico Buarque e Gilberto Gil sem dúvida merecem consideração. Gosto ____ parte, o valor artístico de suas obras – assim como as de Djavan, Erasmo Carlos e Milton Nascimento – também é patente.

• No mês passado, atracou no porto de Roterdã, na Holanda, o primeiro navio cargueiro chinês ____ navegar até ____ Europa pelo Ártico.

Resolução adaptada de: Curso Objetivo

Assinale a alternativa em que o trecho contém discurso - FGV 2014

Língua Portuguesa - 2014

Assinale a alternativa

Entre os muitos empregos que a preposição de pode ter, um - FGV 2014

Língua Portuguesa - 2014

Leia o texto para responder à questão

O resgate do cocô

Há três mil anos, quando um chinês ia jantar na casa de um amigo, ele obrigatoriamente tinha que ir até o quintal desse amigo e fazer um “número dois” por lá mesmo. É que a etiqueta da época dizia que era feio comer na casa de alguém e não “devolver os nutrientes”. Faz tanto sentido que, atualmente, o arquiteto William Mc Donough e o químico Michel Braungart trabalham para trazer essa ideia de volta à moda, desenvolvendo e divulgando modos de produção circular, em que os resíduos – inclusive o cocô – são usados para criar novos produtos tão bons quanto os originais.
Baseados na proposta de Mc Donough e Braungart, pesquisadores do mundo inteiro têm procurado maneiras de aproveitar o nosso “número dois” de cada dia. Na cidade de Didcot, na Inglaterra, um projeto piloto já permite que 200 famílias aqueçam suas casas com biometano fabricado a partir de seu próprio cocô. Além de poupar o meio ambiente, eles economizam dinheiro. Uma ideia que cheira bem.

(Superinteressante, agosto de 2013. Adaptado)

Assinale a alternativa correta quanto à pontuação. a) Na - FGV 2014

Língua Portuguesa - 2014

Leia o texto para responder à questão

O resgate do cocô

Há três mil anos, quando um chinês ia jantar na casa de um amigo, ele obrigatoriamente tinha que ir até o quintal desse amigo e fazer um “número dois” por lá mesmo. É que a etiqueta da época dizia que era feio comer na casa de alguém e não “devolver os nutrientes”. Faz tanto sentido que, atualmente, o arquiteto William Mc Donough e o químico Michel Braungart trabalham para trazer essa ideia de volta à moda, desenvolvendo e divulgando modos de produção circular, em que os resíduos – inclusive o cocô – são usados para criar novos produtos tão bons quanto os originais.
Baseados na proposta de Mc Donough e Braungart, pesquisadores do mundo inteiro têm procurado maneiras de aproveitar o nosso “número dois” de cada dia. Na cidade de Didcot, na Inglaterra, um projeto piloto já permite que 200 famílias aqueçam suas casas com biometano fabricado a partir de seu próprio cocô. Além de poupar o meio ambiente, eles economizam dinheiro. Uma ideia que cheira bem.

(Superinteressante, agosto de 2013. Adaptado)

Em virtude do contexto sintático de seu emprego, a palavra - FGV 2014

Língua Portuguesa - 2014

Leia o texto para responder à questão

O resgate do cocô

Há três mil anos, quando um chinês ia jantar na casa de um amigo, ele obrigatoriamente tinha que ir até o quintal desse amigo e fazer um “número dois” por lá mesmo. É que a etiqueta da época dizia que era feio comer na casa de alguém e não “devolver os nutrientes”. Faz tanto sentido que, atualmente, o arquiteto William Mc Donough e o químico Michel Braungart trabalham para trazer essa ideia de volta à moda, desenvolvendo e divulgando modos de produção circular, em que os resíduos – inclusive o cocô – são usados para criar novos produtos tão bons quanto os originais.
Baseados na proposta de Mc Donough e Braungart, pesquisadores do mundo inteiro têm procurado maneiras de aproveitar o nosso “número dois” de cada dia. Na cidade de Didcot, na Inglaterra, um projeto piloto já permite que 200 famílias aqueçam suas casas com biometano fabricado a partir de seu próprio cocô. Além de poupar o meio ambiente, eles economizam dinheiro. Uma ideia que cheira bem.

(Superinteressante, agosto de 2013. Adaptado)

Assinale a alternativa em que a reescrita altera o sentido - FGV 2014

Língua Portuguesa - 2014

Leia o texto para responder à questão

O resgate do cocô

Há três mil anos, quando um chinês ia jantar na casa de um amigo, ele obrigatoriamente tinha que ir até o quintal desse amigo e fazer um “número dois” por lá mesmo. É que a etiqueta da época dizia que era feio comer na casa de alguém e não “devolver os nutrientes”. Faz tanto sentido que, atualmente, o arquiteto William Mc Donough e o químico Michel Braungart trabalham para trazer essa ideia de volta à moda, desenvolvendo e divulgando modos de produção circular, em que os resíduos – inclusive o cocô – são usados para criar novos produtos tão bons quanto os originais.
Baseados na proposta de Mc Donough e Braungart, pesquisadores do mundo inteiro têm procurado maneiras de aproveitar o nosso “número dois” de cada dia. Na cidade de Didcot, na Inglaterra, um projeto piloto já permite que 200 famílias aqueçam suas casas com biometano fabricado a partir de seu próprio cocô. Além de poupar o meio ambiente, eles economizam dinheiro. Uma ideia que cheira bem.

(Superinteressante, agosto de 2013. Adaptado)

No texto, emprega-se a expressão “número dois” com a - FGV 2014

Língua Portuguesa - 2014

Leia o texto para responder à questão

O resgate do cocô

Há três mil anos, quando um chinês ia jantar na casa de um amigo, ele obrigatoriamente tinha que ir até o quintal desse amigo e fazer um “número dois” por lá mesmo. É que a etiqueta da época dizia que era feio comer na casa de alguém e não “devolver os nutrientes”. Faz tanto sentido que, atualmente, o arquiteto William Mc Donough e o químico Michel Braungart trabalham para trazer essa ideia de volta à moda, desenvolvendo e divulgando modos de produção circular, em que os resíduos – inclusive o cocô – são usados para criar novos produtos tão bons quanto os originais.
Baseados na proposta de Mc Donough e Braungart, pesquisadores do mundo inteiro têm procurado maneiras de aproveitar o nosso “número dois” de cada dia. Na cidade de Didcot, na Inglaterra, um projeto piloto já permite que 200 famílias aqueçam suas casas com biometano fabricado a partir de seu próprio cocô. Além de poupar o meio ambiente, eles economizam dinheiro. Uma ideia que cheira bem.

(Superinteressante, agosto de 2013. Adaptado)

BERLIM, 7 Out (Reuters) – O Partido Social-Democrata (SPD, - FGV 2014

Língua Portuguesa - 2014

BERLIM, 7 Out (Reuters) – O Partido Social-Democrata (SPD, na sigla em alemão), de oposição, __________ estar disposto a se juntar aos conservadores da chanceler alemã, Angela Merkel, ao reduzir a demanda eleitoral por elevação de impostos para os ricos. No entanto, resta saber se membros históricos do SPD vão apoiar uma __________ ampla, devido __________ temor _________ a imagem do mais antigo partido alemão possa se deteriorar ainda mais em um governo liderado pela popular Merkel.

A locução empregada no poema com valor de adjetivo é: a) - FGV 2014

Língua Portuguesa - 2014

Leia o poema de Mário Quintana para responder à questão

Um céu comum

No Céu vou ser recebido
com uma banda de música.
Tocarão um dobradinho
daqueles que nós sabemos
– pois nada mais celestial
do que a música que um dia ouvimos
no coreto municipal
de nossa cidadezinha...
Não ________ cítaras nem liras
– quem pensam vocês que eu sou?
E os anjinhos estarão vestidos
no uniforme da banda,
com os sovacos bem suados
e os sapatos apertando.
Depois, irei tratar da vida
como eles tratam da sua...

Assinale a alternativa correta em relação às classes de - FGV 2014

Língua Portuguesa - 2014

Leia o poema de Mário Quintana para responder à questão

Um céu comum

No Céu vou ser recebido
com uma banda de música.
Tocarão um dobradinho
daqueles que nós sabemos
– pois nada mais celestial
do que a música que um dia ouvimos
no coreto municipal
de nossa cidadezinha...
Não ________ cítaras nem liras
– quem pensam vocês que eu sou?
E os anjinhos estarão vestidos
no uniforme da banda,
com os sovacos bem suados
e os sapatos apertando.
Depois, irei tratar da vida
como eles tratam da sua...

[Os monossílabos] átonos são aqueles pronunciados tão - FUGV 2014

Língua Portuguesa - 2014

Leia o poema de Mário Quintana para responder à questão

Um céu comum

No Céu vou ser recebido
com uma banda de música.
Tocarão um dobradinho
daqueles que nós sabemos
– pois nada mais celestial
do que a música que um dia ouvimos
no coreto municipal
de nossa cidadezinha...
Não ________ cítaras nem liras
– quem pensam vocês que eu sou?
E os anjinhos estarão vestidos
no uniforme da banda,
com os sovacos bem suados
e os sapatos apertando.
Depois, irei tratar da vida
como eles tratam da sua...

[Os monossílabos] átonos são aqueles pronunciados tão fracamente que, na frase, precisam apoiar-se no acento tônico de um vocábulo vizinho, formando, por assim dizer, uma sílaba deste.

De acordo com a norma-padrão da língua portuguesa, a lacuna - FGV 2014

Língua Portuguesa - 2014

Leia o poema de Mário Quintana para responder à questão

Um céu comum

No Céu vou ser recebido
com uma banda de música.
Tocarão um dobradinho
daqueles que nós sabemos
– pois nada mais celestial
do que a música que um dia ouvimos
no coreto municipal
de nossa cidadezinha...
Não ________ cítaras nem liras
– quem pensam vocês que eu sou?
E os anjinhos estarão vestidos
no uniforme da banda,
com os sovacos bem suados
e os sapatos apertando.
Depois, irei tratar da vida
como eles tratam da sua...

Levando-se em consideração a intenção de humor na tira, os - FGV 2014

Língua Portuguesa - 2014

Leia a tira.

Questão 121 - FGV 2014

De acordo com dados da Agência Internacional de Energia - FGV 2014

Química - 2014

De acordo com dados da Agência Internacional de Energia (AIE), aproximadamente 87% de todo o combustível consumido no mundo são de origem fóssil. Essas substâncias são encontradas em diversas regiões do planeta, no estado sólido, líquido e gasoso e são processadas e empregadas de diversas formas.

(www.brasilescola.com/geografia/combustiveis-fosseis.htm. Adaptado)



Por meio de processo de destilação seca, o combustível I dá origem à matéria-prima para a indústria de produção de aço e alumínio.O combustível II é utilizado como combustível veicular, em usos domésticos, na geração de energia elétrica e também como matéria-prima em processos industriais.
O combustível III é obtido por processo de destilação fracionada ou por reação química, e é usado como combustível veicular.

Na estrutura da substância I, observam-se as funções - FGV 2014

Química - 2014

texto a seguir refere-se à questão

O conhecimento científico tem sido cada vez mais empregado como uma ferramenta na elucidação de crimes. A química tem fornecido muitas contribuições para a criação da ciência forense. Um exemplo disso são as investigações de impressões digitais empregando-se a substância I (figura). Essa substância interage com resíduos de proteína deixados pelo contato das mãos e, na presença de uma fonte de luz adequada, luminesce e revela vestígios imperceptíveis a olho nu.

Questão 118 - FGV 2014

A fórmula molecular e o total de ligações sigma na molécula - FGV 2014

Química - 2014

texto a seguir refere-se à questão

O conhecimento científico tem sido cada vez mais empregado como uma ferramenta na elucidação de crimes. A química tem fornecido muitas contribuições para a criação da ciência forense. Um exemplo disso são as investigações de impressões digitais empregando-se a substância I (figura). Essa substância interage com resíduos de proteína deixados pelo contato das mãos e, na presença de uma fonte de luz adequada, luminesce e revela vestígios imperceptíveis a olho nu.

Questão 118 - FGV 2014

Para otimizar as condições de um processo industrial que - FGV 2014

Química - 2014

Para otimizar as condições de um processo industrial que depende de uma reação de soluções aquosas de três diferentes reagentes para a formação de um produto, um engenheiro químico realizou um experimento que consistiu em uma série de reações nas mesmas condições de temperatura e agitação. Os resultados são apresentados na tabela:

Questão 117 - FGV 2014

A amônia é um composto muito versátil, pois seu - FGV 2014

Química - 2014

A amônia é um composto muito versátil, pois seu comportamento químico possibilita seu emprego em várias reações químicas em diversos mecanismos reacionais, como em

Questão 116 - FGV 2014

De acordo com o conceito ácido-base de Lewis, em I a amônia é classificada como _________. De acordo com o conceito ácido-base de Brösnted-Lowry, a amônia é classificada em I e II, respectivamente, como_________ e _________.

A indústria alimentícia emprega várias substâncias químicas - FGV 2014

Química - 2014

A indústria alimentícia emprega várias substâncias químicas para conservar os alimentos e garantir que eles se mantenham adequados para consumo após a fabricação, transporte e armazenagem nos pontos de venda. Dois exemplos disso são o nitrato de sódio adicionado nos produtos derivados de carnes e o sorbato de potássio, proveniente do ácido sórbico HC6H7O2 (Ka = 2 x 10–5 a 25°C), usado na fabricação de queijos.

O composto inorgânico alaranjado dicromato de amônio, - FGV 2014

Química - 2014

O composto inorgânico alaranjado dicromato de amônio, (NH4)2 Cr2 O7 , quando aquecido sofre decomposição térmica em um processo que libera água na forma de vapor, gás nitrogênio e também forma o óxido de cromo (III). Esse fenômeno ocorre com uma grande expansão de volume e, por isso, é usado em simulações de efeitos de explosões vulcânicas com a denominação de vulcão químico.

Questão 114 - FGV 2014

O Brasil é um grande produtor e exportador de suco - FGV 2014

Química - 2014

O Brasil é um grande produtor e exportador de suco concentrado de laranja. O suco in natura é obtido a partir de processo de prensagem da fruta que, após a separação de cascas e bagaços, possui 12% em massa de sólidos totais, solúveis e insolúveis. A preparação do suco concentrado é feita por evaporação de água até que se atinja o teor de sólidos totais de 48% em massa

Considere os dados da tabela: O valor da entalpia padrão - FGV 2014

Química - 2014

O texto seguinte refere-se à questão

Deverá entrar em funcionamento em 2017, em Iperó, no interior de São Paulo, o Reator Multipropósito Brasileiro (RMB), que será destinado à produção de radioisótopos para radiofármacos e também para produção de fontes radioativas usadas pelo Brasil em larga escala nas áreas industrial e de pesquisas. Um exemplo da aplicação tecnológica de radioisótopos são sensores contendo fonte de amerício-241, obtido como produto de fissão. Ele decai para o radioisótopo neptúnio-237 e emite um feixe de radiação. Fontes de amerício-241 são usadas como indicadores de nível em tanques e fornos mesmo em ambiente de intenso calor, como ocorre no interior dos alto fornos da Companhia Siderúrgica Paulista (COSIPA).
A produção de combustível para os reatores nucleares de fissão envolve o processo de transformação do composto sólido UO2 ao composto gasoso UF6 por meio das etapas:

Questão 110 - FGV 2014

Considerando o tipo de reator mencionado no texto, - FGV 2014

Química - 2014

O texto seguinte refere-se à questão

Deverá entrar em funcionamento em 2017, em Iperó, no interior de São Paulo, o Reator Multipropósito Brasileiro (RMB), que será destinado à produção de radioisótopos para radiofármacos e também para produção de fontes radioativas usadas pelo Brasil em larga escala nas áreas industrial e de pesquisas. Um exemplo da aplicação tecnológica de radioisótopos são sensores contendo fonte de amerício-241, obtido como produto de fissão. Ele decai para o radioisótopo neptúnio-237 e emite um feixe de radiação. Fontes de amerício-241 são usadas como indicadores de nível em tanques e fornos mesmo em ambiente de intenso calor, como ocorre no interior dos alto fornos da Companhia Siderúrgica Paulista (COSIPA).
A produção de combustível para os reatores nucleares de fissão envolve o processo de transformação do composto sólido UO2 ao composto gasoso UF6 por meio das etapas:

Questão 110 - FGV 2014

No decaimento do amerício-241 a neptúnio-237, há emissão de - FGV 2014

Química - 2014

O texto seguinte refere-se à questão

Deverá entrar em funcionamento em 2017, em Iperó, no interior de São Paulo, o Reator Multipropósito Brasileiro (RMB), que será destinado à produção de radioisótopos para radiofármacos e também para produção de fontes radioativas usadas pelo Brasil em larga escala nas áreas industrial e de pesquisas. Um exemplo da aplicação tecnológica de radioisótopos são sensores contendo fonte de amerício-241, obtido como produto de fissão. Ele decai para o radioisótopo neptúnio-237 e emite um feixe de radiação. Fontes de amerício-241 são usadas como indicadores de nível em tanques e fornos mesmo em ambiente de intenso calor, como ocorre no interior dos alto fornos da Companhia Siderúrgica Paulista (COSIPA).
A produção de combustível para os reatores nucleares de fissão envolve o processo de transformação do composto sólido UO2 ao composto gasoso UF6 por meio das etapas:

Questão 110 - FGV 2014

Créditos de carbono são certificações dadas a empresas, - FGV 2014

Química - 2014

Créditos de carbono são certificações dadas a empresas, indústrias e países que conseguem reduzir a emissão de gases poluentes na atmosfera. Cada tonelada de CO2 não emitida ou retirada da atmosfera equivale a um crédito de carbono.

Armas químicas são baseadas na toxicidade de substâncias, - FGV 2014

Química - 2014

Armas químicas são baseadas na toxicidade de substâncias, capazes de matar ou causar danos a pessoas e ao meio ambiente. Elas têm sido utilizadas em grandes conflitos e guerras, como o ocorrido em 2013 na Síria, quando a ação do sarin causou a morte de centenas de civis.

(http://pt.wikipedia.org/wiki/Guerra_qu%C3%ADmica e http://pt.wikipedia.org/wiki/Categoria:Armas_qu%C3%ADmicas. Adaptado)

Questão 1O8 - FGV 2014

O conhecimento das propriedades físico-químicas das - FGV 2014

Química - 2014

O conhecimento das propriedades físico-químicas das substâncias é muito útil para avaliar condições adequadas para a sua armazenagem e transporte.

Considere os dados das três substâncias seguintes:

Questão 107 - FGV 2014

Uma nova e promissora classe de materiais supercondutores - FGV 2014

Química - 2014

Uma nova e promissora classe de materiais supercondutores tem como base o composto diboreto de zircônio e vanádio. Esse composto é sintetizado a partir de um sal de zircônio (IV).

O rendimento do aparelho será mais próximo de a) 82%. b) - FGV 2014

Física - 2014

O texto e as informações a seguir referem-se às questão.

Uma pessoa adquiriu um condicionador de ar para instalá-lo em determinado ambiente. O manual de instruções do aparelho traz, dentre outras, as seguintes especificações: 9000 BTUs; voltagem: 220 V; corrente: 4,1 A; potência: 822 W.
Considere que BTU é uma unidade de energia equivalente a 250 calorias e que o aparelho seja utilizado para esfriar o ar de um ambiente de 15 m de comprimento, por 10 m de largura, por 4 m de altura. O calor específico do ar é de 0,25 cal/(g·o C) e a sua densidade é de 1,25 kg/m3 .

Duas placas metálicas planas A e B, dispostas paralela e - FGV 2014

Física - 2014

Duas placas metálicas planas A e B, dispostas paralela e verticalmente a uma distância mútua d, são eletrizadas com cargas iguais, mas de sinais opostos, criando um campo elétrico uniforme Questão 103 - FGV 2014 em seu interior, onde se produz um vácuo. A figura mostra algumas linhas de força na região mencionada.

Questão 103 - FGV 2014

Uma partícula, de massa m e carga positiva q, é abandonada do repouso no ponto médio M entre as placas. Desprezados os efeitos gravitacionais, essa partícula deverá atingir a placa ______ com velocidade v dada por ________.

O gráfico da pressão (P), em função do volume (V) de um gás - FGV 2014

Física - 2014

O gráfico da pressão (P), em função do volume (V) de um gás perfeito, representa um ciclo de transformações a que o gás foi submetido.

Questão 102 - FGV 2014

Um feixe de luz branca do Sol, vindo do ar, encontra um - FGV 2014

Física - 2014

Um feixe de luz branca do Sol, vindo do ar, encontra um bloco cúbico de vidro sobre o qual incide obliquamente; refrata dispersando-se em forma de leque em seu interior.

Questão 101 - FGV 2014

A lupa é um instrumento óptico constituído por uma lente de - FGV 2014

Física - 2014

A lupa é um instrumento óptico constituído por uma lente de aumento.

A relação RT/RL entre os raios das superfícies da Terra - FGV 2014

Física - 2014

A relação RT/RL entre os raios das superfícies da Terra (RT)

Na superfície lunar, uma pequena bola lançada a partir do - FGV 2014

Física - 2014

As informações seguintes referem-se à questão

Aceleração da gravidade na superfície da Terra: gT = 10 m/s2 ; aceleração da gravidade na superfície da Lua: gL = 1,6 m/s2 ; massa da Terra igual a 81 vezes a massa da Lua; sen45o = cos45o = √2/2.

Na loja de um supermercado, uma cliente lança seu carrinho - FGV 2014

Física - 2014

Na loja de um supermercado, uma cliente lança seu carrinho com compras, de massa total 30 kg, em outro carrinho vazio, parado e de massa 20 kg. Ocorre o engate entre ambos e, como consequência do engate, o conjunto dos carrinhos percorre 6,0 m em 4,0 s, perdendo velocidade de modo uniforme até parar. O sistema de carrinhos é considerado isolado durante o engate.

Um pequeno submarino teleguiado, pesando 1 200N no ar, - FGV 2014

Física - 2014

Um pequeno submarino teleguiado, pesando 1 200N no ar, movimenta-se totalmente submerso no mar em movimento horizontal, retilíneo e uniforme a 36km/h. Seu sistema propulsor desenvolve uma potência de 40kW.

O trabalho realizado pela resultante das forças agentes - FGV 2014

Física - 2014

O trabalho realizado pela resultante das forças agentes sobre o automóvel foi,

Com a velocidade crescendo de modo constante, em função do - FGV 2014

Física - 2014

O texto seguinte refere-se à questão.

Em alguns países da Europa, os radares fotográficos das rodovias, além de detectarem a velocidade instantânea dos veículos, são capazes de determinar a velocidade média desenvolvida pelos veículos entre dois radares consecutivos.
Considere dois desses radares instalados em uma rodovia retilínea e horizontal. A velocidade instantânea de certo automóvel, de 1 500 kg de massa, registrada pelo primeiro radar foi de 72 km/h. Um minuto depois, o radar seguinte acusou 90 km/h para o mesmo automóvel.

Na função horária S = B·t2 + A, em que S representa as - FGV 2014

Física - 2014

Na função horária S = B·t2 + A, em que S representa as posições ocupadas por um móvel sobre uma trajetória retilínea em função do tempo t,

A medida de certo comprimento foi apresentada com o valor - FGV 2014

Física - 2014

A medida de certo comprimento foi apresentada com o valor 2,954·103 m. Levando-se em conta a teoria dos algarismos significativos,

The sentence from the tenth paragraph – Rather than - FGV 2014

Inglês - 2014

Read the article and answer the question

The road to hell

(1) Bringing crops from one of the futuristic new farms in Brazil’s central and northern plains to foreign markets means taking a journey back in time. Loaded onto lorries, most are driven almost 2,000km south on narrow, potholed roads to the ports of Santos and Paranaguá. In the 19th and early 20th centuries they were used to bring in immigrants and ship out the coffee grown in the fertile states of São Paulo and Paraná, but now they are overwhelmed. Thanks to a record harvest this year, Brazil became the world’s largest soya producer, overtaking the United States. The queue of lorries waiting to enter Santos sometimes stretched to 40km.

(2) No part of that journey makes sense. Brazil has too few crop silos, so lorries are used for storage as well as transport, causing a crush at ports after harvest. Produce from so far north should probably not be travelling to southern ports at all. Freight by road costs twice as much as by rail and four times as much as by water. Brazilian farmers pay 25% or more of the value of their soya to bring it to port; their competitors in Iowa just 9%. The bottleneck at ports pushes costs higher still. It also puts off customers. In March Sunrise Group, China’s biggest soya trader, cancelled an order for 2m tonnes of Brazilian soya after repeated delays.

(3) All of Brazil’s infrastructure is decrepit. The World Economic Forum ranks it at 114th out of 148 countries. After a spate of railway-building at the turn of the 20th century, and road- and dam-building 50 years later, little was added or even maintained. In the 1980s infrastructure was a casualty of slowing growth and spiralling inflation. Unable to find jobs, engineers emigrated or retrained. Government stopped planning for the long term. According to Contas Abertas, a public-spending watchdog, only a fifth of federal money budgeted for urban transport in the past decade was actually spent. Just 1.5% of Brazil’s GDP goes on infrastructure investment from all sources, both public and private. The long-run global average is 3.8%. The McKinsey Global Institute estimates the total value of Brazil’s infrastructure at 16% of GDP. Other big economies average 71%. To catch up, Brazil would have to triple its annual infrastructure spending for the next 20 years.

(4) Moreover, it may be getting poor value from what little it does invest because so much goes on the wrong things. A cumbersome environmental-licensing process pushes up costs and causes delays. Expensive studies are required before construction on big projects can start and then again at various stages along the way and at the end. Farmers and manufacturers spend heavily on lorries because road transport is their only option. But that is working around the problem, not solving it.

(5) In the 1990s Mr Cardoso’s government privatised state-owned oil, energy and telecoms firms. It allowed private operators to lease terminals in public ports and to build their own new ports. Imports were booming as the economy opened up, so container terminals were a priority. The one at the public port in Bahia’s capital, Salvador, is an example of the transformation wrought by private money and management. Its customers used to rate it Brazil’s worst port, with a draft too shallow for big ships and a quay so short that even smaller vessels had to unload a bit at a time. But in the past decade its operator, Wilson & Sons, spent 260m reais on replacing equipment, lengthening the quay and deepening the draft. Capacity has doubled. Land access will improve, too, once an almost finished expressway opens. Paranaguá is spending 400m reais from its own revenues on replacing outdated equipment, but without private money it cannot expand enough to end the queues to dock. It has drawn up detailed plans to build a new terminal and two new quays, and identified 20 dockside areas that could be leased to new operators, which would bring in 1.6 billion reais of private investment. All that is missing is the federal government’s permission. It hopes to get it next year, but there is no guarantee.

(6) Firms that want to build their own infrastructure, such as mining companies, which need dedicated railways and ports, can generally build at will in Brazil, though they still face the hassle of environmental licensing. If the government wants to hand a project to the private sector it will hold an auction, granting the concession to the highest bidder, or sometimes the applicant who promises the lowest user charges. But since Lula came to power in 2003 there have been few infrastructure auctions of any kind. In recent years, under heavy lobbying from public ports, the ports regulator stopped granting operating licences to private ports except those intended mainly for the owners’ own cargo. As a result, during a decade in which Brazil became a commodity-exporting powerhouse, its bulk-cargo terminals hardly expanded at all.

(7) At first Lula’s government planned to upgrade Brazil’s infrastructure without private help. In 2007 the president announced a collection of long-mooted public construction projects, the Growth Acceleration Programme (PAC). Many were intended to give farming and mining regions access to alternative ports. But the results have been disappointing. Two-thirds of the biggest projects are late and over budget. The trans-north-eastern railway is only half-built and its cost has doubled. The route of the east-west integration railway, which would cross Bahia, has still not been settled. The northern stretch of the BR-163, a trunk road built in the 1970s, was waiting so long to be paved that locals started calling it the “endless road”. Most of it is still waiting.

(8) What has got things moving is the prospect of disgrace during the forthcoming big sporting events. Brazil’s terrible airports will be the first thing most foreign football fans see when they arrive for next year’s World Cup. Infraero, the state-owned company that runs them, was meant to be getting them ready for the extra traffic, but it is a byword for incompetence. Between 2007 and 2010 it managed to spend just 800m of the 3 billion reais it was supposed to invest. In desperation, the government last year leased three of the biggest airports to private operators.

(9) That seemed to break a bigger logjam. First more airport auctions were mooted; then, some months later, Ms Rousseff announced that 7,500km of toll roads and 10,000km of railways were to be auctioned too. Earlier this year she picked the biggest fight of her presidency, pushing a ports bill through Congress against lobbying from powerful vested interests. The new law enables private ports once again to handle third-party cargo and allows them to hire their own staff, rather than having to use casual labour from the dockworkers’ unions that have a monopoly in public ports. Ms Rousseff also promised to auction some entirely new projects and to re-tender around 150 contracts in public terminals whose concessions had expired.

(10) Would-be investors in port projects are hanging back because of the high chances of cost overruns and long delays. Two newly built private terminals at Santos that together cost more than 4 billion reais illustrate the risks. Both took years to get off the ground and years more to build. Both were finished earlier this year but remained idle for months. Brasil Terminal Portuário, a private terminal within the public port, is still waiting for the government to dredge its access channel. At Embraport, which is outside the public-port area, union members from Santos blocked road access and boarded any ships that tried to dock. Rather than enforcing the law that allows such terminals to use their own workers, the government summoned the management to Brasília for some arm-twisting. In August Embraport agreed to take the union members “on a trial basis”.

(11) Given such regulatory and execution risks, there are unlikely to be many takers for either rail or port projects as currently conceived, says Bruno Savaris, an infrastructure analyst at Credit Suisse. He predicts that at most a third of the planned investments will be auctioned in the next three years: airports, a few simple port projects and the best toll roads. That is far short of what Brazil needs. The good news, says Mr Savaris, is that the government is at last beginning to understand that it must either reduce the risks for private investors or raise their returns. Private know-how and money will be vital to get Brazil moving again.

(www.economist.com/news/special-report. Adapted)

As regards infrastructure auctioning as mentioned in the - FGV 2014

Inglês - 2014

Read the article and answer the question

The road to hell

(1) Bringing crops from one of the futuristic new farms in Brazil’s central and northern plains to foreign markets means taking a journey back in time. Loaded onto lorries, most are driven almost 2,000km south on narrow, potholed roads to the ports of Santos and Paranaguá. In the 19th and early 20th centuries they were used to bring in immigrants and ship out the coffee grown in the fertile states of São Paulo and Paraná, but now they are overwhelmed. Thanks to a record harvest this year, Brazil became the world’s largest soya producer, overtaking the United States. The queue of lorries waiting to enter Santos sometimes stretched to 40km.

(2) No part of that journey makes sense. Brazil has too few crop silos, so lorries are used for storage as well as transport, causing a crush at ports after harvest. Produce from so far north should probably not be travelling to southern ports at all. Freight by road costs twice as much as by rail and four times as much as by water. Brazilian farmers pay 25% or more of the value of their soya to bring it to port; their competitors in Iowa just 9%. The bottleneck at ports pushes costs higher still. It also puts off customers. In March Sunrise Group, China’s biggest soya trader, cancelled an order for 2m tonnes of Brazilian soya after repeated delays.

(3) All of Brazil’s infrastructure is decrepit. The World Economic Forum ranks it at 114th out of 148 countries. After a spate of railway-building at the turn of the 20th century, and road- and dam-building 50 years later, little was added or even maintained. In the 1980s infrastructure was a casualty of slowing growth and spiralling inflation. Unable to find jobs, engineers emigrated or retrained. Government stopped planning for the long term. According to Contas Abertas, a public-spending watchdog, only a fifth of federal money budgeted for urban transport in the past decade was actually spent. Just 1.5% of Brazil’s GDP goes on infrastructure investment from all sources, both public and private. The long-run global average is 3.8%. The McKinsey Global Institute estimates the total value of Brazil’s infrastructure at 16% of GDP. Other big economies average 71%. To catch up, Brazil would have to triple its annual infrastructure spending for the next 20 years.

(4) Moreover, it may be getting poor value from what little it does invest because so much goes on the wrong things. A cumbersome environmental-licensing process pushes up costs and causes delays. Expensive studies are required before construction on big projects can start and then again at various stages along the way and at the end. Farmers and manufacturers spend heavily on lorries because road transport is their only option. But that is working around the problem, not solving it.

(5) In the 1990s Mr Cardoso’s government privatised state-owned oil, energy and telecoms firms. It allowed private operators to lease terminals in public ports and to build their own new ports. Imports were booming as the economy opened up, so container terminals were a priority. The one at the public port in Bahia’s capital, Salvador, is an example of the transformation wrought by private money and management. Its customers used to rate it Brazil’s worst port, with a draft too shallow for big ships and a quay so short that even smaller vessels had to unload a bit at a time. But in the past decade its operator, Wilson & Sons, spent 260m reais on replacing equipment, lengthening the quay and deepening the draft. Capacity has doubled. Land access will improve, too, once an almost finished expressway opens. Paranaguá is spending 400m reais from its own revenues on replacing outdated equipment, but without private money it cannot expand enough to end the queues to dock. It has drawn up detailed plans to build a new terminal and two new quays, and identified 20 dockside areas that could be leased to new operators, which would bring in 1.6 billion reais of private investment. All that is missing is the federal government’s permission. It hopes to get it next year, but there is no guarantee.

(6) Firms that want to build their own infrastructure, such as mining companies, which need dedicated railways and ports, can generally build at will in Brazil, though they still face the hassle of environmental licensing. If the government wants to hand a project to the private sector it will hold an auction, granting the concession to the highest bidder, or sometimes the applicant who promises the lowest user charges. But since Lula came to power in 2003 there have been few infrastructure auctions of any kind. In recent years, under heavy lobbying from public ports, the ports regulator stopped granting operating licences to private ports except those intended mainly for the owners’ own cargo. As a result, during a decade in which Brazil became a commodity-exporting powerhouse, its bulk-cargo terminals hardly expanded at all.

(7) At first Lula’s government planned to upgrade Brazil’s infrastructure without private help. In 2007 the president announced a collection of long-mooted public construction projects, the Growth Acceleration Programme (PAC). Many were intended to give farming and mining regions access to alternative ports. But the results have been disappointing. Two-thirds of the biggest projects are late and over budget. The trans-north-eastern railway is only half-built and its cost has doubled. The route of the east-west integration railway, which would cross Bahia, has still not been settled. The northern stretch of the BR-163, a trunk road built in the 1970s, was waiting so long to be paved that locals started calling it the “endless road”. Most of it is still waiting.

(8) What has got things moving is the prospect of disgrace during the forthcoming big sporting events. Brazil’s terrible airports will be the first thing most foreign football fans see when they arrive for next year’s World Cup. Infraero, the state-owned company that runs them, was meant to be getting them ready for the extra traffic, but it is a byword for incompetence. Between 2007 and 2010 it managed to spend just 800m of the 3 billion reais it was supposed to invest. In desperation, the government last year leased three of the biggest airports to private operators.

(9) That seemed to break a bigger logjam. First more airport auctions were mooted; then, some months later, Ms Rousseff announced that 7,500km of toll roads and 10,000km of railways were to be auctioned too. Earlier this year she picked the biggest fight of her presidency, pushing a ports bill through Congress against lobbying from powerful vested interests. The new law enables private ports once again to handle third-party cargo and allows them to hire their own staff, rather than having to use casual labour from the dockworkers’ unions that have a monopoly in public ports. Ms Rousseff also promised to auction some entirely new projects and to re-tender around 150 contracts in public terminals whose concessions had expired.

(10) Would-be investors in port projects are hanging back because of the high chances of cost overruns and long delays. Two newly built private terminals at Santos that together cost more than 4 billion reais illustrate the risks. Both took years to get off the ground and years more to build. Both were finished earlier this year but remained idle for months. Brasil Terminal Portuário, a private terminal within the public port, is still waiting for the government to dredge its access channel. At Embraport, which is outside the public-port area, union members from Santos blocked road access and boarded any ships that tried to dock. Rather than enforcing the law that allows such terminals to use their own workers, the government summoned the management to Brasília for some arm-twisting. In August Embraport agreed to take the union members “on a trial basis”.

(11) Given such regulatory and execution risks, there are unlikely to be many takers for either rail or port projects as currently conceived, says Bruno Savaris, an infrastructure analyst at Credit Suisse. He predicts that at most a third of the planned investments will be auctioned in the next three years: airports, a few simple port projects and the best toll roads. That is far short of what Brazil needs. The good news, says Mr Savaris, is that the government is at last beginning to understand that it must either reduce the risks for private investors or raise their returns. Private know-how and money will be vital to get Brazil moving again.

(www.economist.com/news/special-report. Adapted)

As regards Brazilian airports, the text states in the - FGV 2014

Inglês - 2014

Read the article and answer the question

The road to hell

(1) Bringing crops from one of the futuristic new farms in Brazil’s central and northern plains to foreign markets means taking a journey back in time. Loaded onto lorries, most are driven almost 2,000km south on narrow, potholed roads to the ports of Santos and Paranaguá. In the 19th and early 20th centuries they were used to bring in immigrants and ship out the coffee grown in the fertile states of São Paulo and Paraná, but now they are overwhelmed. Thanks to a record harvest this year, Brazil became the world’s largest soya producer, overtaking the United States. The queue of lorries waiting to enter Santos sometimes stretched to 40km.

(2) No part of that journey makes sense. Brazil has too few crop silos, so lorries are used for storage as well as transport, causing a crush at ports after harvest. Produce from so far north should probably not be travelling to southern ports at all. Freight by road costs twice as much as by rail and four times as much as by water. Brazilian farmers pay 25% or more of the value of their soya to bring it to port; their competitors in Iowa just 9%. The bottleneck at ports pushes costs higher still. It also puts off customers. In March Sunrise Group, China’s biggest soya trader, cancelled an order for 2m tonnes of Brazilian soya after repeated delays.

(3) All of Brazil’s infrastructure is decrepit. The World Economic Forum ranks it at 114th out of 148 countries. After a spate of railway-building at the turn of the 20th century, and road- and dam-building 50 years later, little was added or even maintained. In the 1980s infrastructure was a casualty of slowing growth and spiralling inflation. Unable to find jobs, engineers emigrated or retrained. Government stopped planning for the long term. According to Contas Abertas, a public-spending watchdog, only a fifth of federal money budgeted for urban transport in the past decade was actually spent. Just 1.5% of Brazil’s GDP goes on infrastructure investment from all sources, both public and private. The long-run global average is 3.8%. The McKinsey Global Institute estimates the total value of Brazil’s infrastructure at 16% of GDP. Other big economies average 71%. To catch up, Brazil would have to triple its annual infrastructure spending for the next 20 years.

(4) Moreover, it may be getting poor value from what little it does invest because so much goes on the wrong things. A cumbersome environmental-licensing process pushes up costs and causes delays. Expensive studies are required before construction on big projects can start and then again at various stages along the way and at the end. Farmers and manufacturers spend heavily on lorries because road transport is their only option. But that is working around the problem, not solving it.

(5) In the 1990s Mr Cardoso’s government privatised state-owned oil, energy and telecoms firms. It allowed private operators to lease terminals in public ports and to build their own new ports. Imports were booming as the economy opened up, so container terminals were a priority. The one at the public port in Bahia’s capital, Salvador, is an example of the transformation wrought by private money and management. Its customers used to rate it Brazil’s worst port, with a draft too shallow for big ships and a quay so short that even smaller vessels had to unload a bit at a time. But in the past decade its operator, Wilson & Sons, spent 260m reais on replacing equipment, lengthening the quay and deepening the draft. Capacity has doubled. Land access will improve, too, once an almost finished expressway opens. Paranaguá is spending 400m reais from its own revenues on replacing outdated equipment, but without private money it cannot expand enough to end the queues to dock. It has drawn up detailed plans to build a new terminal and two new quays, and identified 20 dockside areas that could be leased to new operators, which would bring in 1.6 billion reais of private investment. All that is missing is the federal government’s permission. It hopes to get it next year, but there is no guarantee.

(6) Firms that want to build their own infrastructure, such as mining companies, which need dedicated railways and ports, can generally build at will in Brazil, though they still face the hassle of environmental licensing. If the government wants to hand a project to the private sector it will hold an auction, granting the concession to the highest bidder, or sometimes the applicant who promises the lowest user charges. But since Lula came to power in 2003 there have been few infrastructure auctions of any kind. In recent years, under heavy lobbying from public ports, the ports regulator stopped granting operating licences to private ports except those intended mainly for the owners’ own cargo. As a result, during a decade in which Brazil became a commodity-exporting powerhouse, its bulk-cargo terminals hardly expanded at all.

(7) At first Lula’s government planned to upgrade Brazil’s infrastructure without private help. In 2007 the president announced a collection of long-mooted public construction projects, the Growth Acceleration Programme (PAC). Many were intended to give farming and mining regions access to alternative ports. But the results have been disappointing. Two-thirds of the biggest projects are late and over budget. The trans-north-eastern railway is only half-built and its cost has doubled. The route of the east-west integration railway, which would cross Bahia, has still not been settled. The northern stretch of the BR-163, a trunk road built in the 1970s, was waiting so long to be paved that locals started calling it the “endless road”. Most of it is still waiting.

(8) What has got things moving is the prospect of disgrace during the forthcoming big sporting events. Brazil’s terrible airports will be the first thing most foreign football fans see when they arrive for next year’s World Cup. Infraero, the state-owned company that runs them, was meant to be getting them ready for the extra traffic, but it is a byword for incompetence. Between 2007 and 2010 it managed to spend just 800m of the 3 billion reais it was supposed to invest. In desperation, the government last year leased three of the biggest airports to private operators.

(9) That seemed to break a bigger logjam. First more airport auctions were mooted; then, some months later, Ms Rousseff announced that 7,500km of toll roads and 10,000km of railways were to be auctioned too. Earlier this year she picked the biggest fight of her presidency, pushing a ports bill through Congress against lobbying from powerful vested interests. The new law enables private ports once again to handle third-party cargo and allows them to hire their own staff, rather than having to use casual labour from the dockworkers’ unions that have a monopoly in public ports. Ms Rousseff also promised to auction some entirely new projects and to re-tender around 150 contracts in public terminals whose concessions had expired.

(10) Would-be investors in port projects are hanging back because of the high chances of cost overruns and long delays. Two newly built private terminals at Santos that together cost more than 4 billion reais illustrate the risks. Both took years to get off the ground and years more to build. Both were finished earlier this year but remained idle for months. Brasil Terminal Portuário, a private terminal within the public port, is still waiting for the government to dredge its access channel. At Embraport, which is outside the public-port area, union members from Santos blocked road access and boarded any ships that tried to dock. Rather than enforcing the law that allows such terminals to use their own workers, the government summoned the management to Brasília for some arm-twisting. In August Embraport agreed to take the union members “on a trial basis”.

(11) Given such regulatory and execution risks, there are unlikely to be many takers for either rail or port projects as currently conceived, says Bruno Savaris, an infrastructure analyst at Credit Suisse. He predicts that at most a third of the planned investments will be auctioned in the next three years: airports, a few simple port projects and the best toll roads. That is far short of what Brazil needs. The good news, says Mr Savaris, is that the government is at last beginning to understand that it must either reduce the risks for private investors or raise their returns. Private know-how and money will be vital to get Brazil moving again.

(www.economist.com/news/special-report. Adapted)

The seventh paragraph leads the reader to conclude that (A) - FGV 2014

Inglês - 2014

Read the article and answer the question

The road to hell

(1) Bringing crops from one of the futuristic new farms in Brazil’s central and northern plains to foreign markets means taking a journey back in time. Loaded onto lorries, most are driven almost 2,000km south on narrow, potholed roads to the ports of Santos and Paranaguá. In the 19th and early 20th centuries they were used to bring in immigrants and ship out the coffee grown in the fertile states of São Paulo and Paraná, but now they are overwhelmed. Thanks to a record harvest this year, Brazil became the world’s largest soya producer, overtaking the United States. The queue of lorries waiting to enter Santos sometimes stretched to 40km.

(2) No part of that journey makes sense. Brazil has too few crop silos, so lorries are used for storage as well as transport, causing a crush at ports after harvest. Produce from so far north should probably not be travelling to southern ports at all. Freight by road costs twice as much as by rail and four times as much as by water. Brazilian farmers pay 25% or more of the value of their soya to bring it to port; their competitors in Iowa just 9%. The bottleneck at ports pushes costs higher still. It also puts off customers. In March Sunrise Group, China’s biggest soya trader, cancelled an order for 2m tonnes of Brazilian soya after repeated delays.

(3) All of Brazil’s infrastructure is decrepit. The World Economic Forum ranks it at 114th out of 148 countries. After a spate of railway-building at the turn of the 20th century, and road- and dam-building 50 years later, little was added or even maintained. In the 1980s infrastructure was a casualty of slowing growth and spiralling inflation. Unable to find jobs, engineers emigrated or retrained. Government stopped planning for the long term. According to Contas Abertas, a public-spending watchdog, only a fifth of federal money budgeted for urban transport in the past decade was actually spent. Just 1.5% of Brazil’s GDP goes on infrastructure investment from all sources, both public and private. The long-run global average is 3.8%. The McKinsey Global Institute estimates the total value of Brazil’s infrastructure at 16% of GDP. Other big economies average 71%. To catch up, Brazil would have to triple its annual infrastructure spending for the next 20 years.

(4) Moreover, it may be getting poor value from what little it does invest because so much goes on the wrong things. A cumbersome environmental-licensing process pushes up costs and causes delays. Expensive studies are required before construction on big projects can start and then again at various stages along the way and at the end. Farmers and manufacturers spend heavily on lorries because road transport is their only option. But that is working around the problem, not solving it.

(5) In the 1990s Mr Cardoso’s government privatised state-owned oil, energy and telecoms firms. It allowed private operators to lease terminals in public ports and to build their own new ports. Imports were booming as the economy opened up, so container terminals were a priority. The one at the public port in Bahia’s capital, Salvador, is an example of the transformation wrought by private money and management. Its customers used to rate it Brazil’s worst port, with a draft too shallow for big ships and a quay so short that even smaller vessels had to unload a bit at a time. But in the past decade its operator, Wilson & Sons, spent 260m reais on replacing equipment, lengthening the quay and deepening the draft. Capacity has doubled. Land access will improve, too, once an almost finished expressway opens. Paranaguá is spending 400m reais from its own revenues on replacing outdated equipment, but without private money it cannot expand enough to end the queues to dock. It has drawn up detailed plans to build a new terminal and two new quays, and identified 20 dockside areas that could be leased to new operators, which would bring in 1.6 billion reais of private investment. All that is missing is the federal government’s permission. It hopes to get it next year, but there is no guarantee.

(6) Firms that want to build their own infrastructure, such as mining companies, which need dedicated railways and ports, can generally build at will in Brazil, though they still face the hassle of environmental licensing. If the government wants to hand a project to the private sector it will hold an auction, granting the concession to the highest bidder, or sometimes the applicant who promises the lowest user charges. But since Lula came to power in 2003 there have been few infrastructure auctions of any kind. In recent years, under heavy lobbying from public ports, the ports regulator stopped granting operating licences to private ports except those intended mainly for the owners’ own cargo. As a result, during a decade in which Brazil became a commodity-exporting powerhouse, its bulk-cargo terminals hardly expanded at all.

(7) At first Lula’s government planned to upgrade Brazil’s infrastructure without private help. In 2007 the president announced a collection of long-mooted public construction projects, the Growth Acceleration Programme (PAC). Many were intended to give farming and mining regions access to alternative ports. But the results have been disappointing. Two-thirds of the biggest projects are late and over budget. The trans-north-eastern railway is only half-built and its cost has doubled. The route of the east-west integration railway, which would cross Bahia, has still not been settled. The northern stretch of the BR-163, a trunk road built in the 1970s, was waiting so long to be paved that locals started calling it the “endless road”. Most of it is still waiting.

(8) What has got things moving is the prospect of disgrace during the forthcoming big sporting events. Brazil’s terrible airports will be the first thing most foreign football fans see when they arrive for next year’s World Cup. Infraero, the state-owned company that runs them, was meant to be getting them ready for the extra traffic, but it is a byword for incompetence. Between 2007 and 2010 it managed to spend just 800m of the 3 billion reais it was supposed to invest. In desperation, the government last year leased three of the biggest airports to private operators.

(9) That seemed to break a bigger logjam. First more airport auctions were mooted; then, some months later, Ms Rousseff announced that 7,500km of toll roads and 10,000km of railways were to be auctioned too. Earlier this year she picked the biggest fight of her presidency, pushing a ports bill through Congress against lobbying from powerful vested interests. The new law enables private ports once again to handle third-party cargo and allows them to hire their own staff, rather than having to use casual labour from the dockworkers’ unions that have a monopoly in public ports. Ms Rousseff also promised to auction some entirely new projects and to re-tender around 150 contracts in public terminals whose concessions had expired.

(10) Would-be investors in port projects are hanging back because of the high chances of cost overruns and long delays. Two newly built private terminals at Santos that together cost more than 4 billion reais illustrate the risks. Both took years to get off the ground and years more to build. Both were finished earlier this year but remained idle for months. Brasil Terminal Portuário, a private terminal within the public port, is still waiting for the government to dredge its access channel. At Embraport, which is outside the public-port area, union members from Santos blocked road access and boarded any ships that tried to dock. Rather than enforcing the law that allows such terminals to use their own workers, the government summoned the management to Brasília for some arm-twisting. In August Embraport agreed to take the union members “on a trial basis”.

(11) Given such regulatory and execution risks, there are unlikely to be many takers for either rail or port projects as currently conceived, says Bruno Savaris, an infrastructure analyst at Credit Suisse. He predicts that at most a third of the planned investments will be auctioned in the next three years: airports, a few simple port projects and the best toll roads. That is far short of what Brazil needs. The good news, says Mr Savaris, is that the government is at last beginning to understand that it must either reduce the risks for private investors or raise their returns. Private know-how and money will be vital to get Brazil moving again.

(www.economist.com/news/special-report. Adapted)

The sixth paragraph states that, in the last ten years, - FGV 2014

Inglês - 2014

Read the article and answer the question

The road to hell

(1) Bringing crops from one of the futuristic new farms in Brazil’s central and northern plains to foreign markets means taking a journey back in time. Loaded onto lorries, most are driven almost 2,000km south on narrow, potholed roads to the ports of Santos and Paranaguá. In the 19th and early 20th centuries they were used to bring in immigrants and ship out the coffee grown in the fertile states of São Paulo and Paraná, but now they are overwhelmed. Thanks to a record harvest this year, Brazil became the world’s largest soya producer, overtaking the United States. The queue of lorries waiting to enter Santos sometimes stretched to 40km.

(2) No part of that journey makes sense. Brazil has too few crop silos, so lorries are used for storage as well as transport, causing a crush at ports after harvest. Produce from so far north should probably not be travelling to southern ports at all. Freight by road costs twice as much as by rail and four times as much as by water. Brazilian farmers pay 25% or more of the value of their soya to bring it to port; their competitors in Iowa just 9%. The bottleneck at ports pushes costs higher still. It also puts off customers. In March Sunrise Group, China’s biggest soya trader, cancelled an order for 2m tonnes of Brazilian soya after repeated delays.

(3) All of Brazil’s infrastructure is decrepit. The World Economic Forum ranks it at 114th out of 148 countries. After a spate of railway-building at the turn of the 20th century, and road- and dam-building 50 years later, little was added or even maintained. In the 1980s infrastructure was a casualty of slowing growth and spiralling inflation. Unable to find jobs, engineers emigrated or retrained. Government stopped planning for the long term. According to Contas Abertas, a public-spending watchdog, only a fifth of federal money budgeted for urban transport in the past decade was actually spent. Just 1.5% of Brazil’s GDP goes on infrastructure investment from all sources, both public and private. The long-run global average is 3.8%. The McKinsey Global Institute estimates the total value of Brazil’s infrastructure at 16% of GDP. Other big economies average 71%. To catch up, Brazil would have to triple its annual infrastructure spending for the next 20 years.

(4) Moreover, it may be getting poor value from what little it does invest because so much goes on the wrong things. A cumbersome environmental-licensing process pushes up costs and causes delays. Expensive studies are required before construction on big projects can start and then again at various stages along the way and at the end. Farmers and manufacturers spend heavily on lorries because road transport is their only option. But that is working around the problem, not solving it.

(5) In the 1990s Mr Cardoso’s government privatised state-owned oil, energy and telecoms firms. It allowed private operators to lease terminals in public ports and to build their own new ports. Imports were booming as the economy opened up, so container terminals were a priority. The one at the public port in Bahia’s capital, Salvador, is an example of the transformation wrought by private money and management. Its customers used to rate it Brazil’s worst port, with a draft too shallow for big ships and a quay so short that even smaller vessels had to unload a bit at a time. But in the past decade its operator, Wilson & Sons, spent 260m reais on replacing equipment, lengthening the quay and deepening the draft. Capacity has doubled. Land access will improve, too, once an almost finished expressway opens. Paranaguá is spending 400m reais from its own revenues on replacing outdated equipment, but without private money it cannot expand enough to end the queues to dock. It has drawn up detailed plans to build a new terminal and two new quays, and identified 20 dockside areas that could be leased to new operators, which would bring in 1.6 billion reais of private investment. All that is missing is the federal government’s permission. It hopes to get it next year, but there is no guarantee.

(6) Firms that want to build their own infrastructure, such as mining companies, which need dedicated railways and ports, can generally build at will in Brazil, though they still face the hassle of environmental licensing. If the government wants to hand a project to the private sector it will hold an auction, granting the concession to the highest bidder, or sometimes the applicant who promises the lowest user charges. But since Lula came to power in 2003 there have been few infrastructure auctions of any kind. In recent years, under heavy lobbying from public ports, the ports regulator stopped granting operating licences to private ports except those intended mainly for the owners’ own cargo. As a result, during a decade in which Brazil became a commodity-exporting powerhouse, its bulk-cargo terminals hardly expanded at all.

(7) At first Lula’s government planned to upgrade Brazil’s infrastructure without private help. In 2007 the president announced a collection of long-mooted public construction projects, the Growth Acceleration Programme (PAC). Many were intended to give farming and mining regions access to alternative ports. But the results have been disappointing. Two-thirds of the biggest projects are late and over budget. The trans-north-eastern railway is only half-built and its cost has doubled. The route of the east-west integration railway, which would cross Bahia, has still not been settled. The northern stretch of the BR-163, a trunk road built in the 1970s, was waiting so long to be paved that locals started calling it the “endless road”. Most of it is still waiting.

(8) What has got things moving is the prospect of disgrace during the forthcoming big sporting events. Brazil’s terrible airports will be the first thing most foreign football fans see when they arrive for next year’s World Cup. Infraero, the state-owned company that runs them, was meant to be getting them ready for the extra traffic, but it is a byword for incompetence. Between 2007 and 2010 it managed to spend just 800m of the 3 billion reais it was supposed to invest. In desperation, the government last year leased three of the biggest airports to private operators.

(9) That seemed to break a bigger logjam. First more airport auctions were mooted; then, some months later, Ms Rousseff announced that 7,500km of toll roads and 10,000km of railways were to be auctioned too. Earlier this year she picked the biggest fight of her presidency, pushing a ports bill through Congress against lobbying from powerful vested interests. The new law enables private ports once again to handle third-party cargo and allows them to hire their own staff, rather than having to use casual labour from the dockworkers’ unions that have a monopoly in public ports. Ms Rousseff also promised to auction some entirely new projects and to re-tender around 150 contracts in public terminals whose concessions had expired.

(10) Would-be investors in port projects are hanging back because of the high chances of cost overruns and long delays. Two newly built private terminals at Santos that together cost more than 4 billion reais illustrate the risks. Both took years to get off the ground and years more to build. Both were finished earlier this year but remained idle for months. Brasil Terminal Portuário, a private terminal within the public port, is still waiting for the government to dredge its access channel. At Embraport, which is outside the public-port area, union members from Santos blocked road access and boarded any ships that tried to dock. Rather than enforcing the law that allows such terminals to use their own workers, the government summoned the management to Brasília for some arm-twisting. In August Embraport agreed to take the union members “on a trial basis”.

(11) Given such regulatory and execution risks, there are unlikely to be many takers for either rail or port projects as currently conceived, says Bruno Savaris, an infrastructure analyst at Credit Suisse. He predicts that at most a third of the planned investments will be auctioned in the next three years: airports, a few simple port projects and the best toll roads. That is far short of what Brazil needs. The good news, says Mr Savaris, is that the government is at last beginning to understand that it must either reduce the risks for private investors or raise their returns. Private know-how and money will be vital to get Brazil moving again.

(www.economist.com/news/special-report. Adapted)

In the sentence fragment from the fifth paragraph – But in - FGV 2014

Inglês - 2014

Read the article and answer the question

The road to hell

(1) Bringing crops from one of the futuristic new farms in Brazil’s central and northern plains to foreign markets means taking a journey back in time. Loaded onto lorries, most are driven almost 2,000km south on narrow, potholed roads to the ports of Santos and Paranaguá. In the 19th and early 20th centuries they were used to bring in immigrants and ship out the coffee grown in the fertile states of São Paulo and Paraná, but now they are overwhelmed. Thanks to a record harvest this year, Brazil became the world’s largest soya producer, overtaking the United States. The queue of lorries waiting to enter Santos sometimes stretched to 40km.

(2) No part of that journey makes sense. Brazil has too few crop silos, so lorries are used for storage as well as transport, causing a crush at ports after harvest. Produce from so far north should probably not be travelling to southern ports at all. Freight by road costs twice as much as by rail and four times as much as by water. Brazilian farmers pay 25% or more of the value of their soya to bring it to port; their competitors in Iowa just 9%. The bottleneck at ports pushes costs higher still. It also puts off customers. In March Sunrise Group, China’s biggest soya trader, cancelled an order for 2m tonnes of Brazilian soya after repeated delays.

(3) All of Brazil’s infrastructure is decrepit. The World Economic Forum ranks it at 114th out of 148 countries. After a spate of railway-building at the turn of the 20th century, and road- and dam-building 50 years later, little was added or even maintained. In the 1980s infrastructure was a casualty of slowing growth and spiralling inflation. Unable to find jobs, engineers emigrated or retrained. Government stopped planning for the long term. According to Contas Abertas, a public-spending watchdog, only a fifth of federal money budgeted for urban transport in the past decade was actually spent. Just 1.5% of Brazil’s GDP goes on infrastructure investment from all sources, both public and private. The long-run global average is 3.8%. The McKinsey Global Institute estimates the total value of Brazil’s infrastructure at 16% of GDP. Other big economies average 71%. To catch up, Brazil would have to triple its annual infrastructure spending for the next 20 years.

(4) Moreover, it may be getting poor value from what little it does invest because so much goes on the wrong things. A cumbersome environmental-licensing process pushes up costs and causes delays. Expensive studies are required before construction on big projects can start and then again at various stages along the way and at the end. Farmers and manufacturers spend heavily on lorries because road transport is their only option. But that is working around the problem, not solving it.

(5) In the 1990s Mr Cardoso’s government privatised state-owned oil, energy and telecoms firms. It allowed private operators to lease terminals in public ports and to build their own new ports. Imports were booming as the economy opened up, so container terminals were a priority. The one at the public port in Bahia’s capital, Salvador, is an example of the transformation wrought by private money and management. Its customers used to rate it Brazil’s worst port, with a draft too shallow for big ships and a quay so short that even smaller vessels had to unload a bit at a time. But in the past decade its operator, Wilson & Sons, spent 260m reais on replacing equipment, lengthening the quay and deepening the draft. Capacity has doubled. Land access will improve, too, once an almost finished expressway opens. Paranaguá is spending 400m reais from its own revenues on replacing outdated equipment, but without private money it cannot expand enough to end the queues to dock. It has drawn up detailed plans to build a new terminal and two new quays, and identified 20 dockside areas that could be leased to new operators, which would bring in 1.6 billion reais of private investment. All that is missing is the federal government’s permission. It hopes to get it next year, but there is no guarantee.

(6) Firms that want to build their own infrastructure, such as mining companies, which need dedicated railways and ports, can generally build at will in Brazil, though they still face the hassle of environmental licensing. If the government wants to hand a project to the private sector it will hold an auction, granting the concession to the highest bidder, or sometimes the applicant who promises the lowest user charges. But since Lula came to power in 2003 there have been few infrastructure auctions of any kind. In recent years, under heavy lobbying from public ports, the ports regulator stopped granting operating licences to private ports except those intended mainly for the owners’ own cargo. As a result, during a decade in which Brazil became a commodity-exporting powerhouse, its bulk-cargo terminals hardly expanded at all.

(7) At first Lula’s government planned to upgrade Brazil’s infrastructure without private help. In 2007 the president announced a collection of long-mooted public construction projects, the Growth Acceleration Programme (PAC). Many were intended to give farming and mining regions access to alternative ports. But the results have been disappointing. Two-thirds of the biggest projects are late and over budget. The trans-north-eastern railway is only half-built and its cost has doubled. The route of the east-west integration railway, which would cross Bahia, has still not been settled. The northern stretch of the BR-163, a trunk road built in the 1970s, was waiting so long to be paved that locals started calling it the “endless road”. Most of it is still waiting.

(8) What has got things moving is the prospect of disgrace during the forthcoming big sporting events. Brazil’s terrible airports will be the first thing most foreign football fans see when they arrive for next year’s World Cup. Infraero, the state-owned company that runs them, was meant to be getting them ready for the extra traffic, but it is a byword for incompetence. Between 2007 and 2010 it managed to spend just 800m of the 3 billion reais it was supposed to invest. In desperation, the government last year leased three of the biggest airports to private operators.

(9) That seemed to break a bigger logjam. First more airport auctions were mooted; then, some months later, Ms Rousseff announced that 7,500km of toll roads and 10,000km of railways were to be auctioned too. Earlier this year she picked the biggest fight of her presidency, pushing a ports bill through Congress against lobbying from powerful vested interests. The new law enables private ports once again to handle third-party cargo and allows them to hire their own staff, rather than having to use casual labour from the dockworkers’ unions that have a monopoly in public ports. Ms Rousseff also promised to auction some entirely new projects and to re-tender around 150 contracts in public terminals whose concessions had expired.

(10) Would-be investors in port projects are hanging back because of the high chances of cost overruns and long delays. Two newly built private terminals at Santos that together cost more than 4 billion reais illustrate the risks. Both took years to get off the ground and years more to build. Both were finished earlier this year but remained idle for months. Brasil Terminal Portuário, a private terminal within the public port, is still waiting for the government to dredge its access channel. At Embraport, which is outside the public-port area, union members from Santos blocked road access and boarded any ships that tried to dock. Rather than enforcing the law that allows such terminals to use their own workers, the government summoned the management to Brasília for some arm-twisting. In August Embraport agreed to take the union members “on a trial basis”.

(11) Given such regulatory and execution risks, there are unlikely to be many takers for either rail or port projects as currently conceived, says Bruno Savaris, an infrastructure analyst at Credit Suisse. He predicts that at most a third of the planned investments will be auctioned in the next three years: airports, a few simple port projects and the best toll roads. That is far short of what Brazil needs. The good news, says Mr Savaris, is that the government is at last beginning to understand that it must either reduce the risks for private investors or raise their returns. Private know-how and money will be vital to get Brazil moving again.

(www.economist.com/news/special-report. Adapted)

The fifth paragraph, as a whole, points out that a) in - FGV 2014

Inglês - 2014

Read the article and answer the question

The road to hell

(1) Bringing crops from one of the futuristic new farms in Brazil’s central and northern plains to foreign markets means taking a journey back in time. Loaded onto lorries, most are driven almost 2,000km south on narrow, potholed roads to the ports of Santos and Paranaguá. In the 19th and early 20th centuries they were used to bring in immigrants and ship out the coffee grown in the fertile states of São Paulo and Paraná, but now they are overwhelmed. Thanks to a record harvest this year, Brazil became the world’s largest soya producer, overtaking the United States. The queue of lorries waiting to enter Santos sometimes stretched to 40km.

(2) No part of that journey makes sense. Brazil has too few crop silos, so lorries are used for storage as well as transport, causing a crush at ports after harvest. Produce from so far north should probably not be travelling to southern ports at all. Freight by road costs twice as much as by rail and four times as much as by water. Brazilian farmers pay 25% or more of the value of their soya to bring it to port; their competitors in Iowa just 9%. The bottleneck at ports pushes costs higher still. It also puts off customers. In March Sunrise Group, China’s biggest soya trader, cancelled an order for 2m tonnes of Brazilian soya after repeated delays.

(3) All of Brazil’s infrastructure is decrepit. The World Economic Forum ranks it at 114th out of 148 countries. After a spate of railway-building at the turn of the 20th century, and road- and dam-building 50 years later, little was added or even maintained. In the 1980s infrastructure was a casualty of slowing growth and spiralling inflation. Unable to find jobs, engineers emigrated or retrained. Government stopped planning for the long term. According to Contas Abertas, a public-spending watchdog, only a fifth of federal money budgeted for urban transport in the past decade was actually spent. Just 1.5% of Brazil’s GDP goes on infrastructure investment from all sources, both public and private. The long-run global average is 3.8%. The McKinsey Global Institute estimates the total value of Brazil’s infrastructure at 16% of GDP. Other big economies average 71%. To catch up, Brazil would have to triple its annual infrastructure spending for the next 20 years.

(4) Moreover, it may be getting poor value from what little it does invest because so much goes on the wrong things. A cumbersome environmental-licensing process pushes up costs and causes delays. Expensive studies are required before construction on big projects can start and then again at various stages along the way and at the end. Farmers and manufacturers spend heavily on lorries because road transport is their only option. But that is working around the problem, not solving it.

(5) In the 1990s Mr Cardoso’s government privatised state-owned oil, energy and telecoms firms. It allowed private operators to lease terminals in public ports and to build their own new ports. Imports were booming as the economy opened up, so container terminals were a priority. The one at the public port in Bahia’s capital, Salvador, is an example of the transformation wrought by private money and management. Its customers used to rate it Brazil’s worst port, with a draft too shallow for big ships and a quay so short that even smaller vessels had to unload a bit at a time. But in the past decade its operator, Wilson & Sons, spent 260m reais on replacing equipment, lengthening the quay and deepening the draft. Capacity has doubled. Land access will improve, too, once an almost finished expressway opens. Paranaguá is spending 400m reais from its own revenues on replacing outdated equipment, but without private money it cannot expand enough to end the queues to dock. It has drawn up detailed plans to build a new terminal and two new quays, and identified 20 dockside areas that could be leased to new operators, which would bring in 1.6 billion reais of private investment. All that is missing is the federal government’s permission. It hopes to get it next year, but there is no guarantee.

(6) Firms that want to build their own infrastructure, such as mining companies, which need dedicated railways and ports, can generally build at will in Brazil, though they still face the hassle of environmental licensing. If the government wants to hand a project to the private sector it will hold an auction, granting the concession to the highest bidder, or sometimes the applicant who promises the lowest user charges. But since Lula came to power in 2003 there have been few infrastructure auctions of any kind. In recent years, under heavy lobbying from public ports, the ports regulator stopped granting operating licences to private ports except those intended mainly for the owners’ own cargo. As a result, during a decade in which Brazil became a commodity-exporting powerhouse, its bulk-cargo terminals hardly expanded at all.

(7) At first Lula’s government planned to upgrade Brazil’s infrastructure without private help. In 2007 the president announced a collection of long-mooted public construction projects, the Growth Acceleration Programme (PAC). Many were intended to give farming and mining regions access to alternative ports. But the results have been disappointing. Two-thirds of the biggest projects are late and over budget. The trans-north-eastern railway is only half-built and its cost has doubled. The route of the east-west integration railway, which would cross Bahia, has still not been settled. The northern stretch of the BR-163, a trunk road built in the 1970s, was waiting so long to be paved that locals started calling it the “endless road”. Most of it is still waiting.

(8) What has got things moving is the prospect of disgrace during the forthcoming big sporting events. Brazil’s terrible airports will be the first thing most foreign football fans see when they arrive for next year’s World Cup. Infraero, the state-owned company that runs them, was meant to be getting them ready for the extra traffic, but it is a byword for incompetence. Between 2007 and 2010 it managed to spend just 800m of the 3 billion reais it was supposed to invest. In desperation, the government last year leased three of the biggest airports to private operators.

(9) That seemed to break a bigger logjam. First more airport auctions were mooted; then, some months later, Ms Rousseff announced that 7,500km of toll roads and 10,000km of railways were to be auctioned too. Earlier this year she picked the biggest fight of her presidency, pushing a ports bill through Congress against lobbying from powerful vested interests. The new law enables private ports once again to handle third-party cargo and allows them to hire their own staff, rather than having to use casual labour from the dockworkers’ unions that have a monopoly in public ports. Ms Rousseff also promised to auction some entirely new projects and to re-tender around 150 contracts in public terminals whose concessions had expired.

(10) Would-be investors in port projects are hanging back because of the high chances of cost overruns and long delays. Two newly built private terminals at Santos that together cost more than 4 billion reais illustrate the risks. Both took years to get off the ground and years more to build. Both were finished earlier this year but remained idle for months. Brasil Terminal Portuário, a private terminal within the public port, is still waiting for the government to dredge its access channel. At Embraport, which is outside the public-port area, union members from Santos blocked road access and boarded any ships that tried to dock. Rather than enforcing the law that allows such terminals to use their own workers, the government summoned the management to Brasília for some arm-twisting. In August Embraport agreed to take the union members “on a trial basis”.

(11) Given such regulatory and execution risks, there are unlikely to be many takers for either rail or port projects as currently conceived, says Bruno Savaris, an infrastructure analyst at Credit Suisse. He predicts that at most a third of the planned investments will be auctioned in the next three years: airports, a few simple port projects and the best toll roads. That is far short of what Brazil needs. The good news, says Mr Savaris, is that the government is at last beginning to understand that it must either reduce the risks for private investors or raise their returns. Private know-how and money will be vital to get Brazil moving again.

(www.economist.com/news/special-report. Adapted)

The first word used in the fourth paragraph – moreover – - FGV 2014

Inglês - 2014

Read the article and answer the question

The road to hell

(1) Bringing crops from one of the futuristic new farms in Brazil’s central and northern plains to foreign markets means taking a journey back in time. Loaded onto lorries, most are driven almost 2,000km south on narrow, potholed roads to the ports of Santos and Paranaguá. In the 19th and early 20th centuries they were used to bring in immigrants and ship out the coffee grown in the fertile states of São Paulo and Paraná, but now they are overwhelmed. Thanks to a record harvest this year, Brazil became the world’s largest soya producer, overtaking the United States. The queue of lorries waiting to enter Santos sometimes stretched to 40km.

(2) No part of that journey makes sense. Brazil has too few crop silos, so lorries are used for storage as well as transport, causing a crush at ports after harvest. Produce from so far north should probably not be travelling to southern ports at all. Freight by road costs twice as much as by rail and four times as much as by water. Brazilian farmers pay 25% or more of the value of their soya to bring it to port; their competitors in Iowa just 9%. The bottleneck at ports pushes costs higher still. It also puts off customers. In March Sunrise Group, China’s biggest soya trader, cancelled an order for 2m tonnes of Brazilian soya after repeated delays.

(3) All of Brazil’s infrastructure is decrepit. The World Economic Forum ranks it at 114th out of 148 countries. After a spate of railway-building at the turn of the 20th century, and road- and dam-building 50 years later, little was added or even maintained. In the 1980s infrastructure was a casualty of slowing growth and spiralling inflation. Unable to find jobs, engineers emigrated or retrained. Government stopped planning for the long term. According to Contas Abertas, a public-spending watchdog, only a fifth of federal money budgeted for urban transport in the past decade was actually spent. Just 1.5% of Brazil’s GDP goes on infrastructure investment from all sources, both public and private. The long-run global average is 3.8%. The McKinsey Global Institute estimates the total value of Brazil’s infrastructure at 16% of GDP. Other big economies average 71%. To catch up, Brazil would have to triple its annual infrastructure spending for the next 20 years.

(4) Moreover, it may be getting poor value from what little it does invest because so much goes on the wrong things. A cumbersome environmental-licensing process pushes up costs and causes delays. Expensive studies are required before construction on big projects can start and then again at various stages along the way and at the end. Farmers and manufacturers spend heavily on lorries because road transport is their only option. But that is working around the problem, not solving it.

(5) In the 1990s Mr Cardoso’s government privatised state-owned oil, energy and telecoms firms. It allowed private operators to lease terminals in public ports and to build their own new ports. Imports were booming as the economy opened up, so container terminals were a priority. The one at the public port in Bahia’s capital, Salvador, is an example of the transformation wrought by private money and management. Its customers used to rate it Brazil’s worst port, with a draft too shallow for big ships and a quay so short that even smaller vessels had to unload a bit at a time. But in the past decade its operator, Wilson & Sons, spent 260m reais on replacing equipment, lengthening the quay and deepening the draft. Capacity has doubled. Land access will improve, too, once an almost finished expressway opens. Paranaguá is spending 400m reais from its own revenues on replacing outdated equipment, but without private money it cannot expand enough to end the queues to dock. It has drawn up detailed plans to build a new terminal and two new quays, and identified 20 dockside areas that could be leased to new operators, which would bring in 1.6 billion reais of private investment. All that is missing is the federal government’s permission. It hopes to get it next year, but there is no guarantee.

(6) Firms that want to build their own infrastructure, such as mining companies, which need dedicated railways and ports, can generally build at will in Brazil, though they still face the hassle of environmental licensing. If the government wants to hand a project to the private sector it will hold an auction, granting the concession to the highest bidder, or sometimes the applicant who promises the lowest user charges. But since Lula came to power in 2003 there have been few infrastructure auctions of any kind. In recent years, under heavy lobbying from public ports, the ports regulator stopped granting operating licences to private ports except those intended mainly for the owners’ own cargo. As a result, during a decade in which Brazil became a commodity-exporting powerhouse, its bulk-cargo terminals hardly expanded at all.

(7) At first Lula’s government planned to upgrade Brazil’s infrastructure without private help. In 2007 the president announced a collection of long-mooted public construction projects, the Growth Acceleration Programme (PAC). Many were intended to give farming and mining regions access to alternative ports. But the results have been disappointing. Two-thirds of the biggest projects are late and over budget. The trans-north-eastern railway is only half-built and its cost has doubled. The route of the east-west integration railway, which would cross Bahia, has still not been settled. The northern stretch of the BR-163, a trunk road built in the 1970s, was waiting so long to be paved that locals started calling it the “endless road”. Most of it is still waiting.

(8) What has got things moving is the prospect of disgrace during the forthcoming big sporting events. Brazil’s terrible airports will be the first thing most foreign football fans see when they arrive for next year’s World Cup. Infraero, the state-owned company that runs them, was meant to be getting them ready for the extra traffic, but it is a byword for incompetence. Between 2007 and 2010 it managed to spend just 800m of the 3 billion reais it was supposed to invest. In desperation, the government last year leased three of the biggest airports to private operators.

(9) That seemed to break a bigger logjam. First more airport auctions were mooted; then, some months later, Ms Rousseff announced that 7,500km of toll roads and 10,000km of railways were to be auctioned too. Earlier this year she picked the biggest fight of her presidency, pushing a ports bill through Congress against lobbying from powerful vested interests. The new law enables private ports once again to handle third-party cargo and allows them to hire their own staff, rather than having to use casual labour from the dockworkers’ unions that have a monopoly in public ports. Ms Rousseff also promised to auction some entirely new projects and to re-tender around 150 contracts in public terminals whose concessions had expired.

(10) Would-be investors in port projects are hanging back because of the high chances of cost overruns and long delays. Two newly built private terminals at Santos that together cost more than 4 billion reais illustrate the risks. Both took years to get off the ground and years more to build. Both were finished earlier this year but remained idle for months. Brasil Terminal Portuário, a private terminal within the public port, is still waiting for the government to dredge its access channel. At Embraport, which is outside the public-port area, union members from Santos blocked road access and boarded any ships that tried to dock. Rather than enforcing the law that allows such terminals to use their own workers, the government summoned the management to Brasília for some arm-twisting. In August Embraport agreed to take the union members “on a trial basis”.

(11) Given such regulatory and execution risks, there are unlikely to be many takers for either rail or port projects as currently conceived, says Bruno Savaris, an infrastructure analyst at Credit Suisse. He predicts that at most a third of the planned investments will be auctioned in the next three years: airports, a few simple port projects and the best toll roads. That is far short of what Brazil needs. The good news, says Mr Savaris, is that the government is at last beginning to understand that it must either reduce the risks for private investors or raise their returns. Private know-how and money will be vital to get Brazil moving again.

(www.economist.com/news/special-report. Adapted)

According to the third paragraph, (A) since the 1980s - FGV 2014

Inglês - 2014

Read the article and answer the question

The road to hell

(1) Bringing crops from one of the futuristic new farms in Brazil’s central and northern plains to foreign markets means taking a journey back in time. Loaded onto lorries, most are driven almost 2,000km south on narrow, potholed roads to the ports of Santos and Paranaguá. In the 19th and early 20th centuries they were used to bring in immigrants and ship out the coffee grown in the fertile states of São Paulo and Paraná, but now they are overwhelmed. Thanks to a record harvest this year, Brazil became the world’s largest soya producer, overtaking the United States. The queue of lorries waiting to enter Santos sometimes stretched to 40km.

(2) No part of that journey makes sense. Brazil has too few crop silos, so lorries are used for storage as well as transport, causing a crush at ports after harvest. Produce from so far north should probably not be travelling to southern ports at all. Freight by road costs twice as much as by rail and four times as much as by water. Brazilian farmers pay 25% or more of the value of their soya to bring it to port; their competitors in Iowa just 9%. The bottleneck at ports pushes costs higher still. It also puts off customers. In March Sunrise Group, China’s biggest soya trader, cancelled an order for 2m tonnes of Brazilian soya after repeated delays.

(3) All of Brazil’s infrastructure is decrepit. The World Economic Forum ranks it at 114th out of 148 countries. After a spate of railway-building at the turn of the 20th century, and road- and dam-building 50 years later, little was added or even maintained. In the 1980s infrastructure was a casualty of slowing growth and spiralling inflation. Unable to find jobs, engineers emigrated or retrained. Government stopped planning for the long term. According to Contas Abertas, a public-spending watchdog, only a fifth of federal money budgeted for urban transport in the past decade was actually spent. Just 1.5% of Brazil’s GDP goes on infrastructure investment from all sources, both public and private. The long-run global average is 3.8%. The McKinsey Global Institute estimates the total value of Brazil’s infrastructure at 16% of GDP. Other big economies average 71%. To catch up, Brazil would have to triple its annual infrastructure spending for the next 20 years.

(4) Moreover, it may be getting poor value from what little it does invest because so much goes on the wrong things. A cumbersome environmental-licensing process pushes up costs and causes delays. Expensive studies are required before construction on big projects can start and then again at various stages along the way and at the end. Farmers and manufacturers spend heavily on lorries because road transport is their only option. But that is working around the problem, not solving it.

(5) In the 1990s Mr Cardoso’s government privatised state-owned oil, energy and telecoms firms. It allowed private operators to lease terminals in public ports and to build their own new ports. Imports were booming as the economy opened up, so container terminals were a priority. The one at the public port in Bahia’s capital, Salvador, is an example of the transformation wrought by private money and management. Its customers used to rate it Brazil’s worst port, with a draft too shallow for big ships and a quay so short that even smaller vessels had to unload a bit at a time. But in the past decade its operator, Wilson & Sons, spent 260m reais on replacing equipment, lengthening the quay and deepening the draft. Capacity has doubled. Land access will improve, too, once an almost finished expressway opens. Paranaguá is spending 400m reais from its own revenues on replacing outdated equipment, but without private money it cannot expand enough to end the queues to dock. It has drawn up detailed plans to build a new terminal and two new quays, and identified 20 dockside areas that could be leased to new operators, which would bring in 1.6 billion reais of private investment. All that is missing is the federal government’s permission. It hopes to get it next year, but there is no guarantee.

(6) Firms that want to build their own infrastructure, such as mining companies, which need dedicated railways and ports, can generally build at will in Brazil, though they still face the hassle of environmental licensing. If the government wants to hand a project to the private sector it will hold an auction, granting the concession to the highest bidder, or sometimes the applicant who promises the lowest user charges. But since Lula came to power in 2003 there have been few infrastructure auctions of any kind. In recent years, under heavy lobbying from public ports, the ports regulator stopped granting operating licences to private ports except those intended mainly for the owners’ own cargo. As a result, during a decade in which Brazil became a commodity-exporting powerhouse, its bulk-cargo terminals hardly expanded at all.

(7) At first Lula’s government planned to upgrade Brazil’s infrastructure without private help. In 2007 the president announced a collection of long-mooted public construction projects, the Growth Acceleration Programme (PAC). Many were intended to give farming and mining regions access to alternative ports. But the results have been disappointing. Two-thirds of the biggest projects are late and over budget. The trans-north-eastern railway is only half-built and its cost has doubled. The route of the east-west integration railway, which would cross Bahia, has still not been settled. The northern stretch of the BR-163, a trunk road built in the 1970s, was waiting so long to be paved that locals started calling it the “endless road”. Most of it is still waiting.

(8) What has got things moving is the prospect of disgrace during the forthcoming big sporting events. Brazil’s terrible airports will be the first thing most foreign football fans see when they arrive for next year’s World Cup. Infraero, the state-owned company that runs them, was meant to be getting them ready for the extra traffic, but it is a byword for incompetence. Between 2007 and 2010 it managed to spend just 800m of the 3 billion reais it was supposed to invest. In desperation, the government last year leased three of the biggest airports to private operators.

(9) That seemed to break a bigger logjam. First more airport auctions were mooted; then, some months later, Ms Rousseff announced that 7,500km of toll roads and 10,000km of railways were to be auctioned too. Earlier this year she picked the biggest fight of her presidency, pushing a ports bill through Congress against lobbying from powerful vested interests. The new law enables private ports once again to handle third-party cargo and allows them to hire their own staff, rather than having to use casual labour from the dockworkers’ unions that have a monopoly in public ports. Ms Rousseff also promised to auction some entirely new projects and to re-tender around 150 contracts in public terminals whose concessions had expired.

(10) Would-be investors in port projects are hanging back because of the high chances of cost overruns and long delays. Two newly built private terminals at Santos that together cost more than 4 billion reais illustrate the risks. Both took years to get off the ground and years more to build. Both were finished earlier this year but remained idle for months. Brasil Terminal Portuário, a private terminal within the public port, is still waiting for the government to dredge its access channel. At Embraport, which is outside the public-port area, union members from Santos blocked road access and boarded any ships that tried to dock. Rather than enforcing the law that allows such terminals to use their own workers, the government summoned the management to Brasília for some arm-twisting. In August Embraport agreed to take the union members “on a trial basis”.

(11) Given such regulatory and execution risks, there are unlikely to be many takers for either rail or port projects as currently conceived, says Bruno Savaris, an infrastructure analyst at Credit Suisse. He predicts that at most a third of the planned investments will be auctioned in the next three years: airports, a few simple port projects and the best toll roads. That is far short of what Brazil needs. The good news, says Mr Savaris, is that the government is at last beginning to understand that it must either reduce the risks for private investors or raise their returns. Private know-how and money will be vital to get Brazil moving again.

(www.economist.com/news/special-report. Adapted)

The second paragraph indicates that the Chinese business - FGV 2014

Inglês - 2014

Read the article and answer the question

The road to hell

(1) Bringing crops from one of the futuristic new farms in Brazil’s central and northern plains to foreign markets means taking a journey back in time. Loaded onto lorries, most are driven almost 2,000km south on narrow, potholed roads to the ports of Santos and Paranaguá. In the 19th and early 20th centuries they were used to bring in immigrants and ship out the coffee grown in the fertile states of São Paulo and Paraná, but now they are overwhelmed. Thanks to a record harvest this year, Brazil became the world’s largest soya producer, overtaking the United States. The queue of lorries waiting to enter Santos sometimes stretched to 40km.

(2) No part of that journey makes sense. Brazil has too few crop silos, so lorries are used for storage as well as transport, causing a crush at ports after harvest. Produce from so far north should probably not be travelling to southern ports at all. Freight by road costs twice as much as by rail and four times as much as by water. Brazilian farmers pay 25% or more of the value of their soya to bring it to port; their competitors in Iowa just 9%. The bottleneck at ports pushes costs higher still. It also puts off customers. In March Sunrise Group, China’s biggest soya trader, cancelled an order for 2m tonnes of Brazilian soya after repeated delays.

(3) All of Brazil’s infrastructure is decrepit. The World Economic Forum ranks it at 114th out of 148 countries. After a spate of railway-building at the turn of the 20th century, and road- and dam-building 50 years later, little was added or even maintained. In the 1980s infrastructure was a casualty of slowing growth and spiralling inflation. Unable to find jobs, engineers emigrated or retrained. Government stopped planning for the long term. According to Contas Abertas, a public-spending watchdog, only a fifth of federal money budgeted for urban transport in the past decade was actually spent. Just 1.5% of Brazil’s GDP goes on infrastructure investment from all sources, both public and private. The long-run global average is 3.8%. The McKinsey Global Institute estimates the total value of Brazil’s infrastructure at 16% of GDP. Other big economies average 71%. To catch up, Brazil would have to triple its annual infrastructure spending for the next 20 years.

(4) Moreover, it may be getting poor value from what little it does invest because so much goes on the wrong things. A cumbersome environmental-licensing process pushes up costs and causes delays. Expensive studies are required before construction on big projects can start and then again at various stages along the way and at the end. Farmers and manufacturers spend heavily on lorries because road transport is their only option. But that is working around the problem, not solving it.

(5) In the 1990s Mr Cardoso’s government privatised state-owned oil, energy and telecoms firms. It allowed private operators to lease terminals in public ports and to build their own new ports. Imports were booming as the economy opened up, so container terminals were a priority. The one at the public port in Bahia’s capital, Salvador, is an example of the transformation wrought by private money and management. Its customers used to rate it Brazil’s worst port, with a draft too shallow for big ships and a quay so short that even smaller vessels had to unload a bit at a time. But in the past decade its operator, Wilson & Sons, spent 260m reais on replacing equipment, lengthening the quay and deepening the draft. Capacity has doubled. Land access will improve, too, once an almost finished expressway opens. Paranaguá is spending 400m reais from its own revenues on replacing outdated equipment, but without private money it cannot expand enough to end the queues to dock. It has drawn up detailed plans to build a new terminal and two new quays, and identified 20 dockside areas that could be leased to new operators, which would bring in 1.6 billion reais of private investment. All that is missing is the federal government’s permission. It hopes to get it next year, but there is no guarantee.

(6) Firms that want to build their own infrastructure, such as mining companies, which need dedicated railways and ports, can generally build at will in Brazil, though they still face the hassle of environmental licensing. If the government wants to hand a project to the private sector it will hold an auction, granting the concession to the highest bidder, or sometimes the applicant who promises the lowest user charges. But since Lula came to power in 2003 there have been few infrastructure auctions of any kind. In recent years, under heavy lobbying from public ports, the ports regulator stopped granting operating licences to private ports except those intended mainly for the owners’ own cargo. As a result, during a decade in which Brazil became a commodity-exporting powerhouse, its bulk-cargo terminals hardly expanded at all.

(7) At first Lula’s government planned to upgrade Brazil’s infrastructure without private help. In 2007 the president announced a collection of long-mooted public construction projects, the Growth Acceleration Programme (PAC). Many were intended to give farming and mining regions access to alternative ports. But the results have been disappointing. Two-thirds of the biggest projects are late and over budget. The trans-north-eastern railway is only half-built and its cost has doubled. The route of the east-west integration railway, which would cross Bahia, has still not been settled. The northern stretch of the BR-163, a trunk road built in the 1970s, was waiting so long to be paved that locals started calling it the “endless road”. Most of it is still waiting.

(8) What has got things moving is the prospect of disgrace during the forthcoming big sporting events. Brazil’s terrible airports will be the first thing most foreign football fans see when they arrive for next year’s World Cup. Infraero, the state-owned company that runs them, was meant to be getting them ready for the extra traffic, but it is a byword for incompetence. Between 2007 and 2010 it managed to spend just 800m of the 3 billion reais it was supposed to invest. In desperation, the government last year leased three of the biggest airports to private operators.

(9) That seemed to break a bigger logjam. First more airport auctions were mooted; then, some months later, Ms Rousseff announced that 7,500km of toll roads and 10,000km of railways were to be auctioned too. Earlier this year she picked the biggest fight of her presidency, pushing a ports bill through Congress against lobbying from powerful vested interests. The new law enables private ports once again to handle third-party cargo and allows them to hire their own staff, rather than having to use casual labour from the dockworkers’ unions that have a monopoly in public ports. Ms Rousseff also promised to auction some entirely new projects and to re-tender around 150 contracts in public terminals whose concessions had expired.

(10) Would-be investors in port projects are hanging back because of the high chances of cost overruns and long delays. Two newly built private terminals at Santos that together cost more than 4 billion reais illustrate the risks. Both took years to get off the ground and years more to build. Both were finished earlier this year but remained idle for months. Brasil Terminal Portuário, a private terminal within the public port, is still waiting for the government to dredge its access channel. At Embraport, which is outside the public-port area, union members from Santos blocked road access and boarded any ships that tried to dock. Rather than enforcing the law that allows such terminals to use their own workers, the government summoned the management to Brasília for some arm-twisting. In August Embraport agreed to take the union members “on a trial basis”.

(11) Given such regulatory and execution risks, there are unlikely to be many takers for either rail or port projects as currently conceived, says Bruno Savaris, an infrastructure analyst at Credit Suisse. He predicts that at most a third of the planned investments will be auctioned in the next three years: airports, a few simple port projects and the best toll roads. That is far short of what Brazil needs. The good news, says Mr Savaris, is that the government is at last beginning to understand that it must either reduce the risks for private investors or raise their returns. Private know-how and money will be vital to get Brazil moving again.

(www.economist.com/news/special-report. Adapted)

Expressions used in the article such as – cumbersome - FGV 2014

Inglês - 2014

Read the article and answer the question

The road to hell

(1) Bringing crops from one of the futuristic new farms in Brazil’s central and northern plains to foreign markets means taking a journey back in time. Loaded onto lorries, most are driven almost 2,000km south on narrow, potholed roads to the ports of Santos and Paranaguá. In the 19th and early 20th centuries they were used to bring in immigrants and ship out the coffee grown in the fertile states of São Paulo and Paraná, but now they are overwhelmed. Thanks to a record harvest this year, Brazil became the world’s largest soya producer, overtaking the United States. The queue of lorries waiting to enter Santos sometimes stretched to 40km.

(2) No part of that journey makes sense. Brazil has too few crop silos, so lorries are used for storage as well as transport, causing a crush at ports after harvest. Produce from so far north should probably not be travelling to southern ports at all. Freight by road costs twice as much as by rail and four times as much as by water. Brazilian farmers pay 25% or more of the value of their soya to bring it to port; their competitors in Iowa just 9%. The bottleneck at ports pushes costs higher still. It also puts off customers. In March Sunrise Group, China’s biggest soya trader, cancelled an order for 2m tonnes of Brazilian soya after repeated delays.

(3) All of Brazil’s infrastructure is decrepit. The World Economic Forum ranks it at 114th out of 148 countries. After a spate of railway-building at the turn of the 20th century, and road- and dam-building 50 years later, little was added or even maintained. In the 1980s infrastructure was a casualty of slowing growth and spiralling inflation. Unable to find jobs, engineers emigrated or retrained. Government stopped planning for the long term. According to Contas Abertas, a public-spending watchdog, only a fifth of federal money budgeted for urban transport in the past decade was actually spent. Just 1.5% of Brazil’s GDP goes on infrastructure investment from all sources, both public and private. The long-run global average is 3.8%. The McKinsey Global Institute estimates the total value of Brazil’s infrastructure at 16% of GDP. Other big economies average 71%. To catch up, Brazil would have to triple its annual infrastructure spending for the next 20 years.

(4) Moreover, it may be getting poor value from what little it does invest because so much goes on the wrong things. A cumbersome environmental-licensing process pushes up costs and causes delays. Expensive studies are required before construction on big projects can start and then again at various stages along the way and at the end. Farmers and manufacturers spend heavily on lorries because road transport is their only option. But that is working around the problem, not solving it.

(5) In the 1990s Mr Cardoso’s government privatised state-owned oil, energy and telecoms firms. It allowed private operators to lease terminals in public ports and to build their own new ports. Imports were booming as the economy opened up, so container terminals were a priority. The one at the public port in Bahia’s capital, Salvador, is an example of the transformation wrought by private money and management. Its customers used to rate it Brazil’s worst port, with a draft too shallow for big ships and a quay so short that even smaller vessels had to unload a bit at a time. But in the past decade its operator, Wilson & Sons, spent 260m reais on replacing equipment, lengthening the quay and deepening the draft. Capacity has doubled. Land access will improve, too, once an almost finished expressway opens. Paranaguá is spending 400m reais from its own revenues on replacing outdated equipment, but without private money it cannot expand enough to end the queues to dock. It has drawn up detailed plans to build a new terminal and two new quays, and identified 20 dockside areas that could be leased to new operators, which would bring in 1.6 billion reais of private investment. All that is missing is the federal government’s permission. It hopes to get it next year, but there is no guarantee.

(6) Firms that want to build their own infrastructure, such as mining companies, which need dedicated railways and ports, can generally build at will in Brazil, though they still face the hassle of environmental licensing. If the government wants to hand a project to the private sector it will hold an auction, granting the concession to the highest bidder, or sometimes the applicant who promises the lowest user charges. But since Lula came to power in 2003 there have been few infrastructure auctions of any kind. In recent years, under heavy lobbying from public ports, the ports regulator stopped granting operating licences to private ports except those intended mainly for the owners’ own cargo. As a result, during a decade in which Brazil became a commodity-exporting powerhouse, its bulk-cargo terminals hardly expanded at all.

(7) At first Lula’s government planned to upgrade Brazil’s infrastructure without private help. In 2007 the president announced a collection of long-mooted public construction projects, the Growth Acceleration Programme (PAC). Many were intended to give farming and mining regions access to alternative ports. But the results have been disappointing. Two-thirds of the biggest projects are late and over budget. The trans-north-eastern railway is only half-built and its cost has doubled. The route of the east-west integration railway, which would cross Bahia, has still not been settled. The northern stretch of the BR-163, a trunk road built in the 1970s, was waiting so long to be paved that locals started calling it the “endless road”. Most of it is still waiting.

(8) What has got things moving is the prospect of disgrace during the forthcoming big sporting events. Brazil’s terrible airports will be the first thing most foreign football fans see when they arrive for next year’s World Cup. Infraero, the state-owned company that runs them, was meant to be getting them ready for the extra traffic, but it is a byword for incompetence. Between 2007 and 2010 it managed to spend just 800m of the 3 billion reais it was supposed to invest. In desperation, the government last year leased three of the biggest airports to private operators.

(9) That seemed to break a bigger logjam. First more airport auctions were mooted; then, some months later, Ms Rousseff announced that 7,500km of toll roads and 10,000km of railways were to be auctioned too. Earlier this year she picked the biggest fight of her presidency, pushing a ports bill through Congress against lobbying from powerful vested interests. The new law enables private ports once again to handle third-party cargo and allows them to hire their own staff, rather than having to use casual labour from the dockworkers’ unions that have a monopoly in public ports. Ms Rousseff also promised to auction some entirely new projects and to re-tender around 150 contracts in public terminals whose concessions had expired.

(10) Would-be investors in port projects are hanging back because of the high chances of cost overruns and long delays. Two newly built private terminals at Santos that together cost more than 4 billion reais illustrate the risks. Both took years to get off the ground and years more to build. Both were finished earlier this year but remained idle for months. Brasil Terminal Portuário, a private terminal within the public port, is still waiting for the government to dredge its access channel. At Embraport, which is outside the public-port area, union members from Santos blocked road access and boarded any ships that tried to dock. Rather than enforcing the law that allows such terminals to use their own workers, the government summoned the management to Brasília for some arm-twisting. In August Embraport agreed to take the union members “on a trial basis”.

(11) Given such regulatory and execution risks, there are unlikely to be many takers for either rail or port projects as currently conceived, says Bruno Savaris, an infrastructure analyst at Credit Suisse. He predicts that at most a third of the planned investments will be auctioned in the next three years: airports, a few simple port projects and the best toll roads. That is far short of what Brazil needs. The good news, says Mr Savaris, is that the government is at last beginning to understand that it must either reduce the risks for private investors or raise their returns. Private know-how and money will be vital to get Brazil moving again.

(www.economist.com/news/special-report. Adapted)

The metaphor developed in the first paragraph – a journey - FGV 2014

Inglês - 2014

Read the article and answer the question

The road to hell

(1) Bringing crops from one of the futuristic new farms in Brazil’s central and northern plains to foreign markets means taking a journey back in time. Loaded onto lorries, most are driven almost 2,000km south on narrow, potholed roads to the ports of Santos and Paranaguá. In the 19th and early 20th centuries they were used to bring in immigrants and ship out the coffee grown in the fertile states of São Paulo and Paraná, but now they are overwhelmed. Thanks to a record harvest this year, Brazil became the world’s largest soya producer, overtaking the United States. The queue of lorries waiting to enter Santos sometimes stretched to 40km.

(2) No part of that journey makes sense. Brazil has too few crop silos, so lorries are used for storage as well as transport, causing a crush at ports after harvest. Produce from so far north should probably not be travelling to southern ports at all. Freight by road costs twice as much as by rail and four times as much as by water. Brazilian farmers pay 25% or more of the value of their soya to bring it to port; their competitors in Iowa just 9%. The bottleneck at ports pushes costs higher still. It also puts off customers. In March Sunrise Group, China’s biggest soya trader, cancelled an order for 2m tonnes of Brazilian soya after repeated delays.

(3) All of Brazil’s infrastructure is decrepit. The World Economic Forum ranks it at 114th out of 148 countries. After a spate of railway-building at the turn of the 20th century, and road- and dam-building 50 years later, little was added or even maintained. In the 1980s infrastructure was a casualty of slowing growth and spiralling inflation. Unable to find jobs, engineers emigrated or retrained. Government stopped planning for the long term. According to Contas Abertas, a public-spending watchdog, only a fifth of federal money budgeted for urban transport in the past decade was actually spent. Just 1.5% of Brazil’s GDP goes on infrastructure investment from all sources, both public and private. The long-run global average is 3.8%. The McKinsey Global Institute estimates the total value of Brazil’s infrastructure at 16% of GDP. Other big economies average 71%. To catch up, Brazil would have to triple its annual infrastructure spending for the next 20 years.

(4) Moreover, it may be getting poor value from what little it does invest because so much goes on the wrong things. A cumbersome environmental-licensing process pushes up costs and causes delays. Expensive studies are required before construction on big projects can start and then again at various stages along the way and at the end. Farmers and manufacturers spend heavily on lorries because road transport is their only option. But that is working around the problem, not solving it.

(5) In the 1990s Mr Cardoso’s government privatised state-owned oil, energy and telecoms firms. It allowed private operators to lease terminals in public ports and to build their own new ports. Imports were booming as the economy opened up, so container terminals were a priority. The one at the public port in Bahia’s capital, Salvador, is an example of the transformation wrought by private money and management. Its customers used to rate it Brazil’s worst port, with a draft too shallow for big ships and a quay so short that even smaller vessels had to unload a bit at a time. But in the past decade its operator, Wilson & Sons, spent 260m reais on replacing equipment, lengthening the quay and deepening the draft. Capacity has doubled. Land access will improve, too, once an almost finished expressway opens. Paranaguá is spending 400m reais from its own revenues on replacing outdated equipment, but without private money it cannot expand enough to end the queues to dock. It has drawn up detailed plans to build a new terminal and two new quays, and identified 20 dockside areas that could be leased to new operators, which would bring in 1.6 billion reais of private investment. All that is missing is the federal government’s permission. It hopes to get it next year, but there is no guarantee.

(6) Firms that want to build their own infrastructure, such as mining companies, which need dedicated railways and ports, can generally build at will in Brazil, though they still face the hassle of environmental licensing. If the government wants to hand a project to the private sector it will hold an auction, granting the concession to the highest bidder, or sometimes the applicant who promises the lowest user charges. But since Lula came to power in 2003 there have been few infrastructure auctions of any kind. In recent years, under heavy lobbying from public ports, the ports regulator stopped granting operating licences to private ports except those intended mainly for the owners’ own cargo. As a result, during a decade in which Brazil became a commodity-exporting powerhouse, its bulk-cargo terminals hardly expanded at all.

(7) At first Lula’s government planned to upgrade Brazil’s infrastructure without private help. In 2007 the president announced a collection of long-mooted public construction projects, the Growth Acceleration Programme (PAC). Many were intended to give farming and mining regions access to alternative ports. But the results have been disappointing. Two-thirds of the biggest projects are late and over budget. The trans-north-eastern railway is only half-built and its cost has doubled. The route of the east-west integration railway, which would cross Bahia, has still not been settled. The northern stretch of the BR-163, a trunk road built in the 1970s, was waiting so long to be paved that locals started calling it the “endless road”. Most of it is still waiting.

(8) What has got things moving is the prospect of disgrace during the forthcoming big sporting events. Brazil’s terrible airports will be the first thing most foreign football fans see when they arrive for next year’s World Cup. Infraero, the state-owned company that runs them, was meant to be getting them ready for the extra traffic, but it is a byword for incompetence. Between 2007 and 2010 it managed to spend just 800m of the 3 billion reais it was supposed to invest. In desperation, the government last year leased three of the biggest airports to private operators.

(9) That seemed to break a bigger logjam. First more airport auctions were mooted; then, some months later, Ms Rousseff announced that 7,500km of toll roads and 10,000km of railways were to be auctioned too. Earlier this year she picked the biggest fight of her presidency, pushing a ports bill through Congress against lobbying from powerful vested interests. The new law enables private ports once again to handle third-party cargo and allows them to hire their own staff, rather than having to use casual labour from the dockworkers’ unions that have a monopoly in public ports. Ms Rousseff also promised to auction some entirely new projects and to re-tender around 150 contracts in public terminals whose concessions had expired.

(10) Would-be investors in port projects are hanging back because of the high chances of cost overruns and long delays. Two newly built private terminals at Santos that together cost more than 4 billion reais illustrate the risks. Both took years to get off the ground and years more to build. Both were finished earlier this year but remained idle for months. Brasil Terminal Portuário, a private terminal within the public port, is still waiting for the government to dredge its access channel. At Embraport, which is outside the public-port area, union members from Santos blocked road access and boarded any ships that tried to dock. Rather than enforcing the law that allows such terminals to use their own workers, the government summoned the management to Brasília for some arm-twisting. In August Embraport agreed to take the union members “on a trial basis”.

(11) Given such regulatory and execution risks, there are unlikely to be many takers for either rail or port projects as currently conceived, says Bruno Savaris, an infrastructure analyst at Credit Suisse. He predicts that at most a third of the planned investments will be auctioned in the next three years: airports, a few simple port projects and the best toll roads. That is far short of what Brazil needs. The good news, says Mr Savaris, is that the government is at last beginning to understand that it must either reduce the risks for private investors or raise their returns. Private know-how and money will be vital to get Brazil moving again.

(www.economist.com/news/special-report. Adapted)

The core issue discussed in the article is: (A) Brazilian - FGV 2014

Inglês - 2014

Read the article and answer the question

The road to hell

(1) Bringing crops from one of the futuristic new farms in Brazil’s central and northern plains to foreign markets means taking a journey back in time. Loaded onto lorries, most are driven almost 2,000km south on narrow, potholed roads to the ports of Santos and Paranaguá. In the 19th and early 20th centuries they were used to bring in immigrants and ship out the coffee grown in the fertile states of São Paulo and Paraná, but now they are overwhelmed. Thanks to a record harvest this year, Brazil became the world’s largest soya producer, overtaking the United States. The queue of lorries waiting to enter Santos sometimes stretched to 40km.

(2) No part of that journey makes sense. Brazil has too few crop silos, so lorries are used for storage as well as transport, causing a crush at ports after harvest. Produce from so far north should probably not be travelling to southern ports at all. Freight by road costs twice as much as by rail and four times as much as by water. Brazilian farmers pay 25% or more of the value of their soya to bring it to port; their competitors in Iowa just 9%. The bottleneck at ports pushes costs higher still. It also puts off customers. In March Sunrise Group, China’s biggest soya trader, cancelled an order for 2m tonnes of Brazilian soya after repeated delays.

(3) All of Brazil’s infrastructure is decrepit. The World Economic Forum ranks it at 114th out of 148 countries. After a spate of railway-building at the turn of the 20th century, and road- and dam-building 50 years later, little was added or even maintained. In the 1980s infrastructure was a casualty of slowing growth and spiralling inflation. Unable to find jobs, engineers emigrated or retrained. Government stopped planning for the long term. According to Contas Abertas, a public-spending watchdog, only a fifth of federal money budgeted for urban transport in the past decade was actually spent. Just 1.5% of Brazil’s GDP goes on infrastructure investment from all sources, both public and private. The long-run global average is 3.8%. The McKinsey Global Institute estimates the total value of Brazil’s infrastructure at 16% of GDP. Other big economies average 71%. To catch up, Brazil would have to triple its annual infrastructure spending for the next 20 years.

(4) Moreover, it may be getting poor value from what little it does invest because so much goes on the wrong things. A cumbersome environmental-licensing process pushes up costs and causes delays. Expensive studies are required before construction on big projects can start and then again at various stages along the way and at the end. Farmers and manufacturers spend heavily on lorries because road transport is their only option. But that is working around the problem, not solving it.

(5) In the 1990s Mr Cardoso’s government privatised state-owned oil, energy and telecoms firms. It allowed private operators to lease terminals in public ports and to build their own new ports. Imports were booming as the economy opened up, so container terminals were a priority. The one at the public port in Bahia’s capital, Salvador, is an example of the transformation wrought by private money and management. Its customers used to rate it Brazil’s worst port, with a draft too shallow for big ships and a quay so short that even smaller vessels had to unload a bit at a time. But in the past decade its operator, Wilson & Sons, spent 260m reais on replacing equipment, lengthening the quay and deepening the draft. Capacity has doubled. Land access will improve, too, once an almost finished expressway opens. Paranaguá is spending 400m reais from its own revenues on replacing outdated equipment, but without private money it cannot expand enough to end the queues to dock. It has drawn up detailed plans to build a new terminal and two new quays, and identified 20 dockside areas that could be leased to new operators, which would bring in 1.6 billion reais of private investment. All that is missing is the federal government’s permission. It hopes to get it next year, but there is no guarantee.

(6) Firms that want to build their own infrastructure, such as mining companies, which need dedicated railways and ports, can generally build at will in Brazil, though they still face the hassle of environmental licensing. If the government wants to hand a project to the private sector it will hold an auction, granting the concession to the highest bidder, or sometimes the applicant who promises the lowest user charges. But since Lula came to power in 2003 there have been few infrastructure auctions of any kind. In recent years, under heavy lobbying from public ports, the ports regulator stopped granting operating licences to private ports except those intended mainly for the owners’ own cargo. As a result, during a decade in which Brazil became a commodity-exporting powerhouse, its bulk-cargo terminals hardly expanded at all.

(7) At first Lula’s government planned to upgrade Brazil’s infrastructure without private help. In 2007 the president announced a collection of long-mooted public construction projects, the Growth Acceleration Programme (PAC). Many were intended to give farming and mining regions access to alternative ports. But the results have been disappointing. Two-thirds of the biggest projects are late and over budget. The trans-north-eastern railway is only half-built and its cost has doubled. The route of the east-west integration railway, which would cross Bahia, has still not been settled. The northern stretch of the BR-163, a trunk road built in the 1970s, was waiting so long to be paved that locals started calling it the “endless road”. Most of it is still waiting.

(8) What has got things moving is the prospect of disgrace during the forthcoming big sporting events. Brazil’s terrible airports will be the first thing most foreign football fans see when they arrive for next year’s World Cup. Infraero, the state-owned company that runs them, was meant to be getting them ready for the extra traffic, but it is a byword for incompetence. Between 2007 and 2010 it managed to spend just 800m of the 3 billion reais it was supposed to invest. In desperation, the government last year leased three of the biggest airports to private operators.

(9) That seemed to break a bigger logjam. First more airport auctions were mooted; then, some months later, Ms Rousseff announced that 7,500km of toll roads and 10,000km of railways were to be auctioned too. Earlier this year she picked the biggest fight of her presidency, pushing a ports bill through Congress against lobbying from powerful vested interests. The new law enables private ports once again to handle third-party cargo and allows them to hire their own staff, rather than having to use casual labour from the dockworkers’ unions that have a monopoly in public ports. Ms Rousseff also promised to auction some entirely new projects and to re-tender around 150 contracts in public terminals whose concessions had expired.

(10) Would-be investors in port projects are hanging back because of the high chances of cost overruns and long delays. Two newly built private terminals at Santos that together cost more than 4 billion reais illustrate the risks. Both took years to get off the ground and years more to build. Both were finished earlier this year but remained idle for months. Brasil Terminal Portuário, a private terminal within the public port, is still waiting for the government to dredge its access channel. At Embraport, which is outside the public-port area, union members from Santos blocked road access and boarded any ships that tried to dock. Rather than enforcing the law that allows such terminals to use their own workers, the government summoned the management to Brasília for some arm-twisting. In August Embraport agreed to take the union members “on a trial basis”.

(11) Given such regulatory and execution risks, there are unlikely to be many takers for either rail or port projects as currently conceived, says Bruno Savaris, an infrastructure analyst at Credit Suisse. He predicts that at most a third of the planned investments will be auctioned in the next three years: airports, a few simple port projects and the best toll roads. That is far short of what Brazil needs. The good news, says Mr Savaris, is that the government is at last beginning to understand that it must either reduce the risks for private investors or raise their returns. Private know-how and money will be vital to get Brazil moving again.

(www.economist.com/news/special-report. Adapted)

Um turista inglês tem duas possibilidades de viagem: Punta - FGV 2014

Geografia - 2014

Um turista inglês tem duas possibilidades de viagem: Punta Cana ou Lençóis Maranhenses. Analise essas possibilidades apresentadas no mapa.

Questão 75 - FGV 2014

Ao se avaliarem as características da urbanização brasil - FGV 2014

Geografia - 2014

Ao se avaliarem as características da urbanização brasileira em seu período mais recente, é importante considerar os efeitos do processo de internacionalização da economia.[...] Uma das tendências desse processo é reforçar a localização de atividades nas cidades “da região mais desenvolvida do país, onde está localizada a maior parcela da base produtiva, que se moderniza mais rapidamente, e onde estão as melhores condições locacionais.”

Baseados na análise de pesquisas e nos dados de várias Pnad - FGV 2014

Geografia - 2014

Baseados na análise de pesquisas e nos dados de várias Pnad (Pesquisa Nacional de Analise de Domicílios) sobre o mercado de trabalho nos últimos 20 anos, o Ipea (Instituto de Pesquisa Econômica Aplicada) lançou, em outubro de 2013, um relatório com informações precisas sobre o trabalho no Brasil.

Considere o texto. I. O inventário de emissão de gases de - FGV 2014

Geografia - 2014

Considere o texto.
I. O inventário de emissão de gases de efeito estufa de 2010, lançado em 2013 pelo Ministério da Ciência, Tecnologia e Inovação, mostra que houve a inversão do tipo de poluição predominante no Brasil em comparação ao relatório anterior, de 2004.

Considere as tabelas para responder à questão. Brasil: - FGV 2014

Geografia - 2014

Considere as tabelas para responder à questão.

Questão 70 - FGV 2014

A questão está relacionada ao mapa e ao texto apresentados - FGV 2014

Geografia - 2014

A questão está relacionada ao mapa e ao texto apresentados a seguir.

Questão 69 - FGV 2014

... é um complexo de vegetação heterogênea, um mosaico de cerrados, florestas e até mesmo caatinga. [...] Inúmeros programas nacionais e internacionais de proteção ao ambiente foram instaurados para defender esse ecossistema único, frágil e ameaçado, ao mesmo tempo pela pecuária extensiva, pela dispersão de mercúrio e pelos resíduos de pesticidas (utilizados pelos agricultores) carreados do planalto que o domina, e pela exploração de suas matas galeria, o que aumenta a erosão e a sedimentação.

[Na Amazônia] boa parte dos municípios que compõe a “mancha - FGV 2014

Geografia - 2014

[Na Amazônia] boa parte dos municípios que compõe a “mancha pioneira” apresenta as maiores taxas de desmatamento do bioma amazônico nos últimos anos... e um expressivo e perverso processo de especulação fundiária, no qual a grilagem e a venda ilegal de terras (inclusive pela internet) é o seu principal artífice. [...] A rarefeita presença humana e os meios rudimentares de sobrevivência de boa parte da população local, desprovida de capital e de qualificação, levam à configuração de um espaço descontínuo.

Os fluxos na figura identificam a circulação de um produto - FGV 2014

Geografia - 2014

Analise a figura a seguir.

Questão 67 - FGV 2014

A questão está relacionada ao mapa apresentado a seguir - FGV 2014

Geografia - 2014

A questão está relacionada ao mapa apresentado a seguir.

Questão 66 - FGV 2014

Analise a figura que relaciona temperatura, pluviosidade e - FGV 2014

Geografia - 2014

Analise a figura que relaciona temperatura, pluviosidade e vegetação.

Questão 65 - FGV 2014

mica do mundo, fornecedora de sementes transgênicas, e o - FGV 2014

Geografia - 2014

No decorrer do século XX, para a organização de projetos de criação de blocos econômicos, foi necessário superar rivalidades históricas. Isto ocorreu na Europa e também na América do Sul, quando o Brasil e a Argentina deixaram de lado as disputas por hegemonia e engendraram um acordo, na década de 1980, que posteriormente originou o Mercosul.

Considere um anúncio publicitário da maior empresa - FGV 2014

Geografia - 2014

Considere um anúncio publicitário da maior empresa agroquímica do mundo, fornecedora de sementes transgênicas, e o uso que se fez da cartografia.

Questão 63 - FGV 2014

Uma tragédia se repetiu nesta sexta-feira (11/10), no sul - FGV 2014

Geografia - 2014

Uma tragédia se repetiu nesta sexta-feira (11/10), no sul da Itália. Mais um barco cheio de imigrantes afundou no Mar Mediterrâneo. Foi o segundo acidente com refugiados em uma semana. E há dados conflitantes sobre o número de mortos: entre 27 e 50 pessoas. Os sobreviventes em estado grave foram levados para Lampedusa, a mesma ilha que testemunhou o acidente com imigrantes da Somália e Eritreia, na quinta-feira passada [03/10], matando 339 pessoas.
No naufrágio desta sexta, ainda não se sabe as nacionalidades das vítimas, nem de onde o barco partiu

Analise o mapa que representa uma anomalia climática. - FGV 2014

História - 2014

Analise o mapa que representa uma anomalia climática.

Questão 61 - FGV 2014

O “socialismo real” agora enfrentava não apenas seus - FGV 2014

História - 2014

O “socialismo real” agora enfrentava não apenas seus próprios problemas sistêmicos insolúveis mas também os de uma economia mundial mutante e problemática, na qual se achava cada vez mais integrado.
Com o colapso da URSS, a experiência do “socialismo realmente existente” chegou ao fim. Pois, mesmo onde os regimes comunistas sobreviveram e tiveram êxito, como na China, abandonaram a ideia original de uma economia única, centralmente controlada e estatalmente planejada, baseada num Estado completamente coletivizado.

Uma coluna de fumaça espessa e escura levantou-se na área - FGV 2014

História - 2014

Uma coluna de fumaça espessa e escura levantou-se na área central de Santiago do Chile na manhã de uma terça-feira, 11 de setembro de 1973. Era um estranho acontecimento. Não parecia um incêndio qualquer, mas algo mais grave e ameaçador, especialmente porque minutos antes foi possível ouvir o ruído dos caças da Força Aérea do Chile em voos rasantes sobre o centro da cidade, onde fica o Palácio de La Moneda. O que ocorria não era fortuito.
O governo (...) Salvador Allende chegava ao fim com seu suicídio no interior do palácio, que estava sendo bombardeado. O golpe militar e o regime autoritário que se instaurou em seguida alterariam profundamente a história contemporânea do Chile.

Em 3 de outubro de 1953, o presidente Getúlio Vargas - FGV 2014

História - 2014

Em 3 de outubro de 1953, o presidente Getúlio Vargas sancionou a Lei n.º 2.004, que criava a Petrobras.

Observe os dois cartuns. Sobre as imagens, é correto afirma - FGV 2014

História - 2014

Observe os dois cartuns.

Questão 57 - FGV 2014

Observe o quadro Estrada de Ferro Central do Brasil (1924), - FGV 2014

História - 2014

Observe o quadro Estrada de Ferro Central do Brasil (1924), de Tarsila do Amaral.

Questão 56 - FGV 2014

Somente a partir de 1850 vai se observar um maior dinamismo - FGV 2014

História - 2014

Somente a partir de 1850 vai se observar um maior dinamismo no desenvolvimento econômico do país em geral e de suas manufaturas, em particular. O crescimento do número de empresas industriais se faria com relativa rapidez.
Mas o que provocaria essas mudanças?

A nova entrada da pobreza indigente será não mais um - FGV 2014

História - 2014

A nova entrada da pobreza indigente será não mais um fenômeno temporário do desemprego ou como resistência ao trabalho dos pobres não moralizados, mas como Criatura da própria sociedade industrial, como resíduo que, produzido por ela, nela não tem lugar. É em Londres que o sistema de fábrica despeja sua escória humana. Mais uma vez questiona-se o pensamento liberal em um dos seus pressupostos básicos, o laissez-faire.
Uns pedem ao governo leis severas de controle da superpopulação e medidas no sentido de se exportar o resíduo para as colônias.

Em contraste com a estagnação e mesmo a decadência de - FGV 2014

História - 2014

Em contraste com a estagnação e mesmo a decadência de outras regiões do Império, o vale do Paraíba do Sul apresentava-se em franco progresso, especialmente a partir da década de 1830-1840. Em torno dos novos-ricos dessa região, formar-se-ia um novo bloco de poder, cuja hegemonia, durante muitos anos, não seria contestada.

(...) Nós temos essas verdades como evidentes por si mesmas - FGV 2014

História - 2014

(...) Nós temos essas verdades como evidentes por si mesmas: que todos os homens nascem iguais; que o seu Criador os dotou de certos direitos inalienáveis, entre os quais a Vida, a Liberdade e a procura da Felicidade; que para garantir esses direitos, os homens instituem entre eles Governos, cujo justo poder emana do consentimento dos governados; que, se um governo, seja qual for a sua forma, chega a não reconhecer esses fins, o povo tem o direito de modificá-lo ou de aboli-lo e de instituir um novo governo, que fundará sobre tais princípios e de que ele organizará os poderes segundo as formas que lhe parecem mais próprias para garantir a sua Segurança e a sua Felicidade.

O trabalho escravo nas minas tinha singularidade, era uma - FGV 2014

História - 2014

O trabalho escravo nas minas tinha singularidade, era uma realidade bem distinta das áreas agrícolas. O complexo meio social lhe permitia maior iniciativa e mobilidade.

Feitas as contas, a historiografia tradicional do - FGV 2014

Biologia - 2014

Feitas as contas, a historiografia tradicional do bandeirantismo errou na proposição secundária (as bandeiras caçavam índios para vendê-los no Norte), mas acertou na principal (as bandeiras foram originadas pela quebra do tráfico atlântico): os anos 1625-50 configuram, incontestavelmente, um período de “fome de cativos”.

O paradoxo aparente do absolutismo na Europa ocidental era - FGV 2014

História - 2014

O paradoxo aparente do absolutismo na Europa ocidental era que ele representava fundamentalmente um aparelho de proteção da propriedade dos privilégios aristocráticos, embora, ao mesmo tempo, os meios pelos quais tal proteção era concedida pudessem assegurar simultaneamente os interesses básicos das classes mercantis e manufatureiras nascentes. Essencialmente, o absolutismo era apenas isto: um aparelho de dominação feudal recolocado e reforçado, destinado a sujeitar as massas camponesas à sua posição tradicional. Nunca foi um árbitro entre a aristocracia e a burguesia, e menos ainda um instrumento da burguesia nascente contra a aristocracia: ele era a nova carapaça política de uma nobreza atemorizada.

Sobre as relações entre os reinos ibéricos e a expansão - FGV 2014

História - 2014

Sobre as relações entre os reinos ibéricos e a expansão ultramarina,

[A crise] do feudalismo deriva não propriamente do - FGV 2014

História - 2014

[A crise] do feudalismo deriva não propriamente do renascimento do comércio em si mesmo, mas da maneira pela qual a estrutura feudal reage ao impacto da economia de mercado. O revivescimento do comércio (isto é, a instauração de um setor mercantil na economia e o desenvolvimento de um setor urbano na sociedade) pode promover, de um lado, a lenta dissolução dos laços servis, e de outro lado, o enrijecimento da servidão. (...) Nos dois setores, abre-se pois a crise social.

O anfiteatro era, para os romanos, parte de sua normalidade - FGV 2014

História - 2014

O anfiteatro era, para os romanos, parte de sua normalidade cotidiana, um lugar no qual reafirmavam seus valores e sua concepção do “normal”. Nos anfiteatros eram expostos, para serem supliciados, bárbaros vencidos, inimigos que se haviam insurgido contra a ordem romana. Nos anfiteatros se supliciavam, também, bandidos e marginais, como por vezes os cristãos, que eram jogados às feras e dados como espetáculo, para o prazer de seus algozes ou daqueles que defendiam os valores normais da sociedade.

Um grupo de estudantes percorria uma trilha pela Mata - FGV 2014

Biologia - 2014

Um grupo de estudantes percorria uma trilha pela Mata Atlântica, quando um deles observou, na ponta de um bambuzeiro, estruturas vegetais que, a princípio, desconheciam. Iniciaram então, sem grande aprofundamento, um curto “debate botânico científico” sobre a classificação de tais estruturas, devidamente registradas na imagem.

Questão 45 - FGV 2014

A difilobotríase é uma parasitose adquirida pela ingestão - FGV 2014

Biologia - 2014

A difilobotríase é uma parasitose adquirida pela ingestão de carne de peixe crua, mal cozida, congelada ou defumada em temperaturas inadequadas, contaminada pela forma larval do agente etiológico.
O ciclo do parasita envolve a liberação de proglotes pelas fezes humanas repletas de ovos, que eclodem na água e passam a se hospedar sequencialmente em pequenos crustáceos, em pequenos peixes e, finalmente, em peixes maiores que, ao serem ingeridos nas condições citadas, contaminam os seres humanos.

Leia a notícia a seguir. “Uma equipe de investigadores da - FGV 2014

Biologia - 2014

Leia a notícia a seguir.

“Uma equipe de investigadores da Escócia estudou três galináceos ginandromorfos, ou seja, com características de ambos os sexos. A figura mostra um dos galináceos estudados, batizado de Sam, cujo lado esquerdo do corpo apresenta a penugem esbranquiçada e os músculos bem desenvolvidos, como observado em galos. Já no lado direito do corpo, as penas são castanhas e os músculos mais delgados, como é normal nas galinhas. No caso dos galináceos, a determinação sexual ocorre pelo sistema ZW.”

Questão 43 - FGV 2014

A produção de adenosina trifosfato (ATP) nas células - FGV 2014

Biologia - 2014

A produção de adenosina trifosfato (ATP) nas células eucarióticas animais acontece, essencialmente, nas cristas mitocondriais, em função de uma cadeia de proteínas transportadoras de elétrons, a cadeia respiratória.

Mosquitos psicodídeos são bastante comuns nos banheiros das - FGV 2014

Biologia - 2014

Mosquitos psicodídeos são bastante comuns nos banheiros das residências, sendo geralmente inofensivos ao ser humano, exceto quando ocorre o transporte de patógenos em suas pernas, ao pousarem em diferentes locais.

As figuras ilustram o adulto e a larva do inseto conhecido popularmente como “mosca de banheiro”.

Questão 41 - FGV 2014

Na difícil busca pela explicação científica sobre a origem - FGV 2014

Biologia - 2014

Na difícil busca pela explicação científica sobre a origem da vida no planeta Terra, uma das etapas consideradas essenciais é o surgimento de aglomerados de proteínas, os coacervatos, capazes de isolar um meio interno do ambiente externo, permitindo que reações bioquímicas ocorressem dentro dessas estruturas de forma diferenciada do meio externo.

Um dos procedimentos médicos em casos de obstrução de - FUGV 2014

Biologia - 2014

Um dos procedimentos médicos em casos de obstrução de vasos sanguíneos cardíacos, causada geralmente por acúmulo de placas de gordura nas paredes (Figura 1), é a colocação de um tubo metálico expansível em forma de malha, denominado stent (Figura 2), evitando o infarto do miocárdio.

Questão 39 - FGV 2014 loading=

A orquídea Ophrys apifera, ilustrada em visão lateral e - FGV 2014

Biologia - 2014

A orquídea Ophrys apifera, ilustrada em visão lateral e frontal nas figuras, apresenta um formato que mimetiza as vespas fêmeas. São capazes de produzir também uma substância odorífera similar ao feromônio liberado por essas vespas fêmeas em épocas reprodutivas, atraindo, portanto, vespas machos que realizarão a polinização cruzada.

Questão 38 - FGV 2014

Uma determinada característica genética de um grupo de - FGV 2014

Biologia - 2014

Uma determinada característica genética de um grupo de animais invertebrados é condicionada por apenas um par de alelos autossômicos. Estudos de genética de populações, nestes animais, mostraram que a frequência do alelo recessivo é três vezes maior que a frequência do alelo dominante, para a característica analisada em questão.

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